48 annual conference on african linguistics indiana ...acal48/acal 48 program.pdf · 48th annual...
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A C A L 4 8
48 th Annual Conference on African Linguistics Indiana University Bloomington March 30-Apri l 2, 2017
ACAL 48 Local Organizing Committee SamuelObeng,ChairRobertBotne,Member
SamsonLotven,Member(OrganizingCoordinator)DamirCavar,Member
AntoniaSchleicher,MemberNoorAboMokh,Webmaster
ACAL 48 Sponsors AssociationofContemporaryAfricanLinguisticsOfficeofVicePresidentforInternationalAffairs
OfficeofAssociateDeanofSocialandHistoricalSciencesandGraduateEducation,CollegeofArtsandSciences
OfficeofAssociateDeanforInternationalAffairs,CollegeofArtsandSciencesOfficeofVice-PresidentforDiversity,EquityandMulticulturalAffairs
IndianaUniversityAfricanStudiesProgramAfricanAmericanandAfricanDiasporaStudies
NationalAfricanLanguageResourceCenter&CenterforLanguageExcellenceIndianaUniversityLinguisticsDepartment
i
48th ANNUAL CONFERENCE ON AFRICAN LINGUISTICS Program of Events
Thursday,March30,2017 IndianaMemorialUnion3:00p.m.–4:30p.m. RegistrationCheck-in EastLounge4:30p.m.–5:45p.m. PosterSessionw/Refreshment FrangipaniRoom6:00p.m.–7:00p.m. PlenaryPresentation FrangipaniRoom
JennekevandeWalHarvardUniversity
7:00p.m.–8:30p.m. OpeningReception StateRoom(SR)East&West
Friday,March31,2017 IndianaMemorialUnion8:00a.m.–9:00a.m. RegistrationCheck-in FrangipaniRoom LightBreakfast9:00a.m.–10:15a.m. Welcome FrangipaniRoom PlenaryPresentation
EkkehardWolff LeipzigUniversity
10:15a.m.–10:30a.m. BeverageBreak FrangipaniRoom10:30a.m.–12:00p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,SREast12:00p.m.–1:00p.m. Lunch(onyourown)1:00p.m.–2:15p.m. PosterSessionw/Refreshment FrangipaniRoom2:30p.m.–4:00p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,SREast4:30p.m.–6:00p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,SREast6:00p.m. Dinner(onyourown) Saturday,April1,2017 IndianaMemorialUnion8:00a.m.–9:00a.m. LightBreakfast FrangipaniRoom9:00a.m.–10:00a.m. PlenaryPresentation FrangipaniRoom
MichaelMarlo UniversityofMissouri
10:00a.m.–10:15a.m. BeverageBreak FrangipaniRoom10:15a.m.–11:45a.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,Sassafras11:45a.m.–1:00p.m. Lunch(onyourown)1:00p.m.–2:15p.m. PosterSessionw/Refreshment FrangipaniRoom2:30p.m.–4:00p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,Sassafras4:15p.m.–5:45p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,Sassafras5:50p.m.–7:00p.m. BusinessMeeting MapleRoom7:30p.m.–9:00p.m. Reception&Banquet(ticketed) FrangipaniRoomSunday,April2,2017 IndianaMemorialUnion8:00a.m.–9:00a.m. LightBreakfast TreeSuiteLounge9:00a.m.–10:30a.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,Sassafras10:30am–10:45a.m BeverageBreak TreeSuiteLounge10:45a.m.–12:15p.m. ConcurrentSessions Maple,Walnut,Sassafras
ii
ThursdayEvening,M
arch30,2017
4:30
-5:45
Po
sterSession
1
Fran
gipa
niRoo
m
1TheLexicalU
nderspecificatio
nofBantuCausativ
esand
App
licatives
Wechsler
2Shon
aSubjectsareSub
jects
Kodn
er
3TheMorph
o-SyntaxofT
woType
sofFactiv
eClausesinSeereer
Torren
ce
4Re
lativ
izatio
ninKaakye
Abun
ya&Osam
5Em
aiCoo
rdinationStrategiesfo
rClauseLinkage
Schaefer&Egbokhare
6Co
mparativ
eStud
yofth
eNom
inalSysteminW
olof,B
edikand
French
Sall
7LinguisticGen
ocideAg
ainstD
evelop
men
tofSigne
dLanguagesinAfrica
Ason
ye,Edw
ard,Ezin
ne&
Anike
8To
wardaBe
tterKno
wledgeofSpe
ech-LanguageDiso
rdersinAfrica:
AnalysisofChildSpe
echDisorders
Takam
9Ph
onem
icQuantity
DistinctioninNormaland
Perturbed
Spe
echinTwi
AduManyah
10FootCon
structioninAnaanDen
ominalisa
tion
Udo
h11
Quantita
tiveMetho
dsinAfricanLinguistics-Pred
ictin
gPluralsinHa
usa
Guzm
ánNaranjo&Becker
12TheSubjun
ctiveMoo
dinGiry
amaandTanzanianNyanja
Ngowa&Ngonyani
6:00
-7:00
Plen
ary1
Chair:Ro
bertBotne
Fran
gipa
niRoo
m
TheNeedfora
nAlternativeSystem
ofN
ominalLicen
singinBantu
vande
rWal
iii
FridayM
orning,M
arch31,2017
9:00
-10
:15
Plen
ary2
Chair:Pa
ulNew
man
Fran
gipa
niRoo
m
Vo
calogene
sisin(C
entral)C
hadicLanguages
Wolff
10
:30-
12:00
Seman
tics1
Chair:Ro
bertBotne
Map
leSo
ciolingu
istic
s1
Chair:Joseph
Clancy
Clem
ents
Walnu
tTo
ne1
Chair:Ch
risGreen
StateRo
om
East
1ACloserLoo
katbi:An
Ep
istem
icInde
finite
An
alysis
Owusu
TheRu
stySpeakerP
aradox:
Nyang'iPe
rson
alProno
uns
andSemi-spe
aker-based
LanguageDescriptio
n
Beer
ThePh
onetic
Realiza
tionofHighTo
ne
SpansinLugand
a
Myers,Selkirk
&Fainleib
2Logoph
oricReferen
ce
inIbibio
New
kirkRh
etoricalEcologiesDriv
ing
LinguisticChangeinW
est
Africa
Agbo
zo&
Ode
bunm
iTo
neAssim
ilatio
nin
YorùbáAgentiveAffixed
Nom
inals
Ehinen
i
3Logoph
oricity
and
Co
reference
ConstraintsinGe
ngbe
Attitud
eRe
ports
Grano
&
Lotven
Language,G
ende
r,and
Ideo
logy:A
Sociolinguistic
AnalysisofIfeo
maFafunw
a's
'HearW
ord!'N
aijaW
oma'
Ofulue
RegisterLow
eringand
TonalO
verw
ritingin
Limbu
mDeverbal
Nou
ns
Nform
iAw
asom
iv
FridayAfterno
on,M
arch31,2017
1:00
-2:15
Po
sterSession
2
Fran
gipa
niRoo
m
1LanguageBarrie
rasH
indranceto
Inform
ationDissem
ination:ACriticalObservatio
nOpp
ong-AsareAn
sah
2OntheStateDistinctionandCaseinKabyleBe
rber
Felice
3Inde
xicalShiftinginDhaasanacand
Som
ali
Nish
iguchi
4ASurveyofN
egationPatternsinth
eKw
aLanguageFam
ily
Schn
eide
r5
Disapp
earin
gLexemesinth
eIgbo
Language:AnEffectofLanguageVa
riatio
nand
Change
Obiam
alu&Nkamigbo
6FocusC
onstructionsinIbibio
Anyanw
u,Nwogu,Orji&
Okoro
7Co
nson
antM
utatationinEsahie
Akanlig-Pare&Owusu-An
sah
8WordOrderinSen
ufoNafaraDP
sBa
ron
9Pe
rson
and
AnimacyInteractioninAkanandGa
Post-po
sitions
Korsah
10CausativeinLub
ukusuandOtherBantuLanguages
Wasike
11Presup
positionsand
OtherProjectiveCo
nten
tsinKisw
ahili
Jordan
12TheSyntaxand
Sem
anticso
fAkanHITVe
rbs
Eshu
n
v
FridayAfterno
on,M
arch31,2017(con
tinue
d)
2:30
-4:00
Syntax1
Chair:Steven
Frank
sMap
le
Lang
uagein
Politics&
Religion
Chair:AlwiyaOmar
Walnu
tTo
ne2
Chair:Da
vidOdd
en
StateRo
om
East
1NguniPhrase-fin
al
FocusP
articlesa
nd
Antisym
metryThe
ory
Carstens
&Zeller
APragmasem
antic
InvestigationofM
etapho
r(Un)transla
tabilityinArabic
ReligiousDisc
ourse
Elsaadany
Tone
,Ortho
graphies,and
Ph
onologicalDep
thin
AfricanLanguages
Cahill
2Piecesofthe
Pe
riphe
ry:A
Glance
intoth
eCartograph
yof
Ibibio'sCP
Dom
ain
Dohe
rty
DidSA
'sPo
liticalPartie
sProm
ote'M
ultilingualism
'Du
ringtheLastElections?
Ditsele
TonalIne
qualitiesinaFou
r-tone
Language:The
Caseof
Seen
ku'sMiddleTo
nes
McPhe
rson
3Co
mplem
entC
lauseC-
Agreem
entw
ithM
atrix
Subjecta
ndTen
sein
Ikalanga
Safir&
Letsho
lo
MoralPanicinGhanaian
PoliticalDisc
ourse:A
Prelim
inaryStud
y
Ofori
TowardsaTypologyof
'Ton
alCom
pactne
ss'in
Mande
Green
4:30
-6:00
Syntax2
Chair:Ro
nScha
efer
Map
le
Sociolingu
istic
s2
Chair:Sand
raKüb
ler
Walnu
tPh
onolog
y1
Chair:LauraMcPhe
reson
State
Room
East
1ASyntacticDescriptio
nofExperiencersin
Sereer-siin
Tamba
Researchand
Revolution:Text
MessagingasT
acticalToo
lRu
dd
ImplicationsofA
bsolute
Neu
tralisa
tionon
Harmon
ic
Seria
lism:A
JóolaCaseStudy
Hantgan
2Co
mita
tive
Constructio
nsinFon
Lambe
rt-
Bretiere
Ruralvs.UrbanZulu:The
Losso
fyiinRed
uplication
Cook
EfikNom
inalTon
al
AlternationsasP
hrasal
Morph
ology
Glew
we
3Co
mparativ
eCo
nstructio
nsinTafi
Bobu
afor
TheLexiconofth
eMixed
LanguageM
a'á/Mbu
gu
Mou
sAn
HGAn
alysisofW
ord-Final
VowelDeletionandRe
duction
inGulmancema
Baird
vi
SaturdayM
orning,A
pril1,2017
9:00
-10
:00
Plen
ary3
Chair:Stua
rtDavis
Fran
gipa
niRoo
m
To
neinth
eLuyiaVa
rietie
sofW
esternKen
yaand
EasternUgand
aMarlo
10
:15-
11:45
Syntax3
Chair:JamesEssegbe
yMap
le
Descriptiv
e
Chair:AlwiyaOmar
Walnu
tPh
onolog
y2
Chair:KrisEba
rb
Sassafras
1Ra
isingto
Objectin
Lubu
kusu
Mitchley
ADe
scrip
tiveOverviewofN
oun
Classesa
ndth
eMorph
osyntax
ofAgreemen
tinZaramo
Hung
VowelProcessesinGusii
Choti
2Sw
ahiliPassiv
eand
StativeExtensions
andtheirInteractio
nwith
theAp
plicative
Ngonyani
Common
PlantNam
esinSou
th
NiloticAkie
Legère
TheTypo
logyofN
CSequ
encesinCe
ntral
Tano
Akinlabi&
Owusu
3TenseAg
reem
entin
Nde
beleLight-verb
Constructio
ns
Pietraszko
TheInfle
ctionalParadigmofthe
Be
mbe
Verb
Legg
VowelSplitinKinshasa
Lingala
Kabasele
vii
SaturdayAfterno
on,A
pril1,2017
1:00
-2:15
Po
sterSession
3
Fran
gipa
niRoo
m
1AMusicalNotationAn
alysisofTon
alDow
ntrend
sinAn
aañRe
duplicative
Constructio
ns
Udo
h,Ekong,U
soro,Ita&Ntuk
2APh
oneticStudyofY
orub
aVo
welDeletion:ACaseofIncompleteNeu
traliza
tion?
Danis
3To
wardaTypo
logyofN
iger-Con
goCom
plem
entatio
nSchaefer,D
uah&Egbokhare
4Be
nefactiveAp
plicativesand
AnimacyinNde
bele
Siband
a5
SyllableSimplificatio
nProcessesinFròʔò
Traore&Fery
6Savingth
eFaceofK
ings:The
Ideo
logyofSup
eriorityinYorub
aDiscou
rse
Aluko
7Ultrasou
ndIm
agingof[d
],[ɖ],and[gb]inGen
gbe
Lotven
,Berkson
&Lulich
8An
OTAn
alysisofCon
sonantDeletioninIjeṣàYo
rùbá
Alabi
9ElucidatingDo
gonProsod
icStructures:The
CaseofLiquid'Flip-frop
s'inBen
i(Dogon
)Do
w,G
reen
&Hen
drickson
10ThePh
oneticPrope
rtieso
fKiheh
eStop
sSteimel&Nyamahanga
11Prosod
yandCo
hesio
ninÉkegusií(K
isii)Narrativ
eHieb
er
12Gh
anaianSocialInteractio
ns:A
nEthn
opragm
aticApp
roach
Thom
pson
13
Ba
futLoanw
ords:A
nOptim
ality
The
oryAn
alysis
Birnsche
in
viii
SaturdayAfterno
on,A
pril1,2017(con
tinue
d)
2:30
-4:00
Syntax4
Chair:Ke
nSafir
Map
le
Seman
tics2
Chair:Pa
tríciaAmaral
Walnu
tPh
onolog
y3
Chair:Ab
bieHa
ntgan
Sassafras
1WhInterrogativesin
Ibibio:M
ovem
ent,
Agreem
enta
nd
Complem
entizers
Major&
Torren
ce
NearS
ynon
ymsinLugungu
andtheirM
eaningDifferen
ces
Oriikiriza
Prosod
icRestructurin
gin
SomaliN
ominals
Downing&
Nilsson
2A-barA
greemen
tand
theTense-Aspe
ct
System
inBam
ileke
Med
umba
Keup
djio
LexicalD
ensityofth
eJUMP
DomaininM
aa
Payne
HereroVerbTo
ne
Ebarb&
Raksachat
3CausingbySocial
Interaction
Schn
eide
r-Zioga&
Mutaka
UniversalQuantificatio
ninth
eNom
inalDom
aininKiheh
eKasper-
Cushman
Sono
rantAcquisitionin
YorubaChildPho
nology
Isaiah
4:15
-5:45
Syntax5
Chair:Ph
ilLeSourd
Map
le
Seman
tics3
Chair:To
mGrano
Walnu
tPh
onolog
y4
Chair:Ke
llyBerkson
Sassafras
1Tw
oType
sofFocusin
Limbu
m(G
rassfie
lds
Bantu)
Nform
iAw
asom
,Driemel&
Be
cker
ATypo
logicalStudyof
Mod
ality
inLuh
yaLanguages
Gluckm
an,
Bowler,
Diercks,
Sifuna&
Alulu
AtypicalOpacityinRutoo
ro
Phon
ology
Bickmore
2Tw
oStrategiesfo
rAffirmativeRe
spon
se
toPolarQue
stionsin
BamilekeM
edum
ba
Keup
djio&
Wiltschko
TowardsaUnifie
dAccoun
tforn
ainAkan
Essegbey&
Hatav
Domainsand
Dire
ctionality
inGuaVow
elHarmon
yObiri-Yebo
ah
&Rose
3Ad
jectivesinSɛlɛɛ
Agbe
tsoa-
med
oEven
tSem
anticso
fAkan
Separatio
nVe
rbs
Agyepo
ng
TheSyllableStructureofBuli
Words
Akanlig-Pare
ix
Sund
ayM
orning,A
pril2,2017
9:00
-10
:30
Tense&Aspect
Chair:Ro
bertBotne
Map
le
Lang
uage&Id
entity
Chair:Solomon
Oyetade
Walnu
tMorph
olog
y
Chair:Ke
llyBerkson
Sassafras
1OptionalPastT
ensein
Wolof
Bochnak&
Martin
ovic
Male/FemaleParents'
Indigeno
usOccup
ational
Rolesa
ndTransfero
fIndigeno
usVocabulary
Anyanw
u,
Nwogu,
Orji&
Okoro
Num
bera
ndAnimacyinth
eTekeNou
nClassS
ystem
Hyman,
Lion
net&
Ngolele
2TheSemanticso
f-ile
inNyamwezi
Kanijo
Negotiatin
gIden
tity
throughPe
rson
alNam
es
amon
gNigerian
Pentecostals
Emeka-
Nwob
ia
TheAu
gmen
tinLogoori
Odd
en
3TheStative
Morph
emein
Kinyarwanda
Jerro
"We'reallSpeaking
Gibb
erish
Here:"D
iscou
rses
ofSpe
akerho
odinIyasa
Belew
Stem
-initialProminen
cein
Westa
ndCen
tralAfrica:
Niger-Con
go,A
real,or
Both?
Lion
net
10:45-
12:15
Syntax6
Chair:An
nBu
nger
Map
le
Ideo
phon
es&
Interje
ctions
Chair:Ab
bieHa
ntgan
Walnu
tLang
uagePolicy
Chair:MikeCa
hill
Sassafras
1An
tiagreemen
tin
Berberand
The
oryof
Agreem
ent
Kinjo
IntensifyingIdeo
phon
esin
ThreeLuhiaLanguages
Bowler&
Gluckm
an
LanguagePolicyand
LinguisticIdeo
logyinSen
egalSall
2GE
TCAS
EisViolable:
Eviden
cefo
rWho
lesaleLate
Merger
Sulemana
Interje
ctionsinGa
Ollenn
uLanguageand
National
Unity:A
CaseofIgbo
Trade
rs
inIbadan,N
igeria
Oyetade
3ACo
rpusStudyof
SwahiliRelatives
Mwam
zand
iAu
tomated
Classificatio
nofIdeo
phon
icSou
nd
PatternsinW
olof
Baglini&
Hjorth
1
List of Abstracts TheNeedforanAlternativeSystemofNominalLicensinginBantu...........................................................5
Vocalogenesisin(Central)ChadicLanguages..............................................................................................5
ToneintheLuyiaVarietiesofWesternKenyaandEasternUganda............................................................6
RelativizationinKaakye...............................................................................................................................7
PhonemicQualityDistinctioninNormalandPerturbedSpeechinTwi......................................................7
AdjectivesinSɛlɛɛ........................................................................................................................................7
RhetoricalEcologies DrivingLinguisticChangeinWestAfrica.....................................................................8
EventSemanticsofAkanSeparationVerbs.................................................................................................8
ConsonantMutationinEsahie.....................................................................................................................8
TheSyllableStructureofBùlìWords...........................................................................................................9
TheTypologyofNCSequencesinCentralTano..........................................................................................9
AnOTAnalysisofConsonantDeletioninÌjẹṣàYorùbá................................................................................9
SavingtheFaceofKings:TheIdeologyofSuperiorityinYorùbáDiscourse..............................................10
FocusConstructioninIbibio......................................................................................................................10
MaleandFemaleParents’IndigenousOccupationalRolesandIntergenerationalTransferofIndigenousVocabulary:EvidencefromIgbo................................................................................................................10
LinguisticGenocideAgainstDevelopmentofSignedLanguagesinAfrica.................................................11
AutomatedClassificationofIdeophonicSoundPatternsinWolof............................................................11
AnHGAnalysisofWord-FinalVowelDeletionandReductioninGulmancema........................................11
WordOrderinSenufoNafaraDPs.............................................................................................................12
TheRustySpeakerParadox:Nyang’iPersonalPronounsandSemi-speaker-basedLanguageDescription...................................................................................................................................................................12
“We’reAllSpeakingGibberishHere:”DiscoursesofSpeakerhoodinIyasa..............................................12
AtypicalOpacityinRutooroPhonology.....................................................................................................13
BafutLoanwords:AnOptimalityTheoryAnalysis......................................................................................13
ComparativeConstructionsinTafi.............................................................................................................13
OptionalPastTenseinWolof....................................................................................................................13
IntensifyingIdeophonesinThreeLuhyaLanguages..................................................................................14
Tone,Orthographies,andPhonologicalDepthinAfricanLanguages........................................................14
NguniPhrase-FinalFocusParticlesandAntisymmetryTheory.................................................................14
2
VowelProcessesinGusii............................................................................................................................15
Ruralvs.UrbanZulu:TheLossofyiinReduplication................................................................................15
APhoneticStudyofYorubaVowelDeletion:ACaseofIncompleteNeutralization?................................15
DidSA’sPoliticalPartiesPromote‘Multilingualism’DuringtheLastElections?.......................................16
PiecesofthePeriphery:AGlanceintotheCartographyofIbibio'sCPDomain........................................16
ElucidatingDogonProsodicStructures:TheCaseofLiquid‘Flip-Frops’inBeni(Dogon)..........................16
ProsodicRestructuringinSomaliNominals...............................................................................................17
HereroVerbTone......................................................................................................................................17
ToneAssimilationinYorùbáAgentiveAffixedNominals...........................................................................17
APragmasemanticInvestigationofMetaphor(Un)translatabilityinArabicReligiousDiscourse.............17
NegotiatingIdentitythroughPersonalNamesamongNigerianPentecostals..........................................18
TheSyntaxandSemanticsofAkanHITverbs............................................................................................18
TowardsaUnifiedAccountfornainAkan................................................................................................18
OntheStateDistinctionandCaseinKabyleBerber..................................................................................19
EfikNominalTonalAlternationsasPhrasalMorphology...........................................................................19
ATypologicalStudyofModalityintheLuhyaLanguages..........................................................................19
LogophoricityandCoreferenceConstraintsinGengbeAttitudeReports.................................................20
TowardsaTypologyofTonalCompactnessinMande...............................................................................20
QuantitativeMethodsinAfricanLinguistics-PredictingPluralsinHausa................................................20
ImplicationsofAbsoluteNeutralisationonHarmonicSerialism:AJóolaCaseStudy...............................20
ProsodyandCohesioninÉkegusií(Kisii)Narrative....................................................................................21
ADescriptiveOverviewofNounClassesandtheMorphosyntaxofAgreementinZaramo......................21
NumberandAnimacyintheTekeNounClassSystem..............................................................................21
SonorantAcquisitioninYorubaChildPhonology......................................................................................22
TheStativeMorphemeinKinyarwanda....................................................................................................22
PresuppositionsandOtherProjectiveContentsinKiswahili.....................................................................22
VowelSplitinKinshasaLingala..................................................................................................................22
TheSemanticsof-ILEinNyamwezi...........................................................................................................23
UniversalQuantificationintheNominalDomaininKihehe......................................................................23
A-barAgreementandtheTense-AspectSysteminBamilekeMedumba..................................................23
TwoStrategiesforAffirmativeResponsetoPolarQuestionsinBamilekeMedumba...............................23
AntiagreementinBerberandTheoryofAgreement.................................................................................24
3
ShonaSubjectsareSubjects......................................................................................................................24
PersonandAnimacyInteractioninAkanandGãPost-Positions...............................................................24
ComitativeConstructionsinFon................................................................................................................25
CommonPlantNamesinSouthNiloticAkie..............................................................................................25
TheInflectionoftheBembeVerb..............................................................................................................25
Stem-InitialProminenceinWestandCentralAfrica:Niger-Congo,Areal,orBoth?.................................26
UltrasoundImagingof[d],[ɖ],and[gb]inGengbe..................................................................................26
Wh-InterrogativesinIbibio:Movement,AgreementandComplementizers............................................26
TonalInequalitiesinaFour-ToneLanguage:theCaseofSeenku’sMiddleTones....................................27
RaisingtoObjectinLubukusu....................................................................................................................27
TheLexiconoftheMixedLanguageMa’á/Mbugu....................................................................................27
ACorpusStudyofSwahiliRelativeClauses...............................................................................................27
ThePhoneticRealizationofHighToneSpansinLuganda.........................................................................28
LogophoricReferenceinIbibio..................................................................................................................28
TwoTypesofFocusinLimbum(GrassfieldsBantu)...................................................................................28
RegisterLoweringandTonalOverwritinginLimbumDeverbalNouns.....................................................28
SwahiliPassiveandStativeExtensionsandtheirInteractionwiththeApplicative...................................29
TheSubjunctiveMoodinGiryamaandTanzanianNyanja........................................................................29
MonstersinDhaasanacandSomali...........................................................................................................29
DisappearingLexemesintheIgboLanguage:AnEffectofLanguageVariationandChange....................30
DomainsandDirectionalityinGuaVowelHarmony.................................................................................30
TheAugmentinLogoori.............................................................................................................................30
“MoralPanic”inGhanaianPoliticalDiscourse:APreliminaryStudy.........................................................31
Language,GenderandIdeology:ASociolinguisticAnalysisofIfeomaFafunwa’s‘HearWord!NaijaWomanTalkTrue’......................................................................................................................................31
InterjectionsinGa......................................................................................................................................31
LanguageBarrierasHindrancetoInformationDissemination:ACriticalObservation.............................32
Near-synonymsinLugunguandtheirmeaningdifferences......................................................................32
ACloserLookatbi:AnEpistemicIndefiniteAnalysis................................................................................32
LanguageandNationalUnity:ACaseStudyofIgboTradersinIbadan,Nigeria........................................32
LexicalDensityoftheJUMPDomaininMaa.............................................................................................33
TenseAgreementinNdebeleLight-VerbConstructions............................................................................33
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ResearchandRevolution:TextMessagingasTacticalTool.......................................................................33
ComplementClauseC-AgreementwithMatrixSubjectandTenseinIkalanga.........................................33
ComparativeStudyoftheNominalSysteminWolof,BedikandFrench...................................................34
LanguagePolicyandLinguisticIdeologyinSenegal...................................................................................34
EmaiCoordinationStrategiesforClauseLinkage......................................................................................34
TowardaTypologyofNiger-CongoComplementation.............................................................................35
ASurveyofNegationPatternsintheKwaLanguageFamily.....................................................................35
CausingbySocialInteraction.....................................................................................................................35
BenefactiveApplicativesandAnimacyinNdebele....................................................................................35
ThePhoneticPropertiesofKiheheStops..................................................................................................36
GETCASEisViolable:EvidenceforWholesaleLateMerger.......................................................................36
TowardaBetterKnowledgeofSpeech-LanguageDisordersinAfricanCountries:AnalysisofChildSpeechDisordersinCameroon..............................................................................................................................36
ASyntacticDescriptionofExperiencersinSereer-Siin..............................................................................37
GhanaianSocialInteractions:AnEthnopragmaticApproach....................................................................37
TheMorpho-SyntaxofTwoTypesofFactiveClausesinSeereer..............................................................37
SyllableSimplificationProcessesinFròʔò.................................................................................................38
AMusicalNotationAnalysisofTonalDowntrendsinAnaañReduplicativeConstructions.......................38
FootConstructioninAnaañDenominalisation..........................................................................................38
CausativeinLubukusuandotherBantuLanguages..................................................................................39
TheLexicalUnderspecificationofBantuCausativesandApplicatives......................................................39
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The Need for an Alternative System of Nominal L icensing in Bantu JennekevanderWal(HarvardUniversity) Acorepurposeofhumanlanguageistoconveyinformationaboutevents.Inmanylanguagestheinformationabout‘whodidwhat’isencodedinthesyntaxbygrammaticalrolessuchassubjectandobjectthatlicensetheoccurrenceofnominalsintheclause.Theserolesarealsoatthebasisofmanytypologicalgeneralisationsandtheoreticalmodelsofnominallicensing.However,theydonotseemthatimportantatallinthegrammarofBantulanguages(spokeninsub-SaharanAfrica),posingachallengeformodelsbasedontheseroles.Instead,itappearsthattherelativediscoursesalienceofargumentsaffectsnominallicensingatamorefundamentallevelthaninmanywell-studiedEuropeanlanguages:whetherareferentisgiveninformation,orcontrastedwithanalternativecandeterminewordorder,morphologyandsyntacticoperations.Buildingonlastyear’sACALplenarybyJeffGood,inthislectureIfirstindicatehowBantulanguagesareproblematicforourcurrenttheoryofnominallicensingbyexaminingarangeofphenomenaintheareasof1.agreement(subjectandobjectmarking),2.dependentmarking(tonecases,augment),and3.valency(passive,applicative,adverbial/argumentdistinction).Theseallshowthattraditionalnominallicensing(Case,grammaticalroles)isunsatisfactoryasanexplanation,butthatatthesametimetherearesyntacticrestrictionsonnominals.Thesecondpartofthelecturesuggestsanalternativelicensingsystembasedongrammaticaliseddiscoursesalience,andoutlineshowthiscouldbestudied.
Vocalogenesis in (Central) Chadic Languages H.EkkehardWolff(UniversityofLeipzig) Whydoesn’tthecomparativemethodworkforvowelsin(Central)Chadic?Whydopresent-dayChadiclanguageshavesuchdisparatevowelsystemswithbetweenonlyone(orevennone)and17vowels?Arethere,indiachronicperspective(andpossiblysynchronicallyunderlying),any‘true’vowelsin(Central)Chadic,orarewedealingwithasetof[±syll]‘vocoids’fromthestartratherthanwith[+syll]‘vowels’?Whereandhowdo‘weakradicals’(asknownfromSemiticscholarship)and‘longcomponents’/‘prosodies’(palatalization,labialisation,singleandcombined)comein,whichappeartosometimesaffectsurfacevowels,sometimesconsonants,andsometimesboth–acrosssyllablesandtheword?ThesearesomeofthequestionsthatcoulddrivecomparativeChadicistsinsane.Intheplenarytalk,Iwillpresentadiachronictheoryof‘vocalogenesis’for(atleast:Central)Chadictoexplainhowlanguageswithnooronlyonevowel,underlyingand/orarrivedatbyinternalreconstruction,couldbeassumedtoendupwithtenormorevowelsinsynchronicdescriptions.–MyrenewedinterestintheseissueswastriggeredbyRichardGravina’schallengingstudyonThePhonologyofProto-CentralChadic.TheReconstructionofthePhonologyandLexiconofProto-CentralChadic,andtheLinguisticHistoryofCentralChadicLanguages(PhDdissertation,LeidenUniversity,2014.)
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Tone in the Luyia Varieties of Western Kenya and Eastern Uganda MichaelR.Marlo(UniversityofMissouri) TheLuyialanguagesofwesternKenyaandeasternUgandahavesomeofthemostcomplicatedsystemsoftonalmorphologyamongBantulanguages.Luyiavarietiescommonlyhave7-8ormoreinflectionaltonalpatternsinverbs,andasmanyas12arereportedinoneMarachidialect,possiblymarkingthepeakcomplexitywithinBantu.AlthoughsegmentalandlexicaldifferencesamongLuyiavarietiestendtoberelativelyminor,thereisconsiderablediversityamongLuyiaverbaltonalsystems.EasternvarietieslikeIdakhoandTachonihavehistoricallyconservativesystemswithacontrastbetween/H/and/Ø/verbroots.Intheselanguages,sometensesareinflectedwitha‘melodicH’thatlinkstoapositionatoneoftheedgesofthestem,e.g.secondmora,finalvowel.SouthwesternLuyiavarietieslikeKhayoandSaamiahavedevelopedintoso-called‘predictable’systemsinwhichtherearenolexicalcontrastsinverbroots,andalltensesareinflectedwithamelodictone.YetotherLuyiavarietieshavehybridproperties,withalexicalcontrastbetweentwotonaltypesofroots,andamelodictonalinflectioninallverbforms.Someofthesesystems,e.g.NyoleandNyalaEast,appeartohaveinvertedrootHtonesassynchronically/L/,whileothers,e.g.BukusuandWanga,aremoreambiguousastowhetherhistorically*Hverbrootsaresynchronically/H/or/L/.ThroughoutBantu,nominaltoneislesswellstudiedthanverbaltone,duetothefactthatnounsaremorphologicallysimplerandtendnottohaveinflectionalalternations.However,emergingresearchsuggeststhatatleastsomeLuyianountonesystemsrivaltheirverbaltonesystemsincomplexity.Forinstance,eightdistinctlexicaltonalpatternsareattestedindisyllabicnounstemsinthecentralLuyiavarietyWanga—ahistoricaldoublingofthefourpatternsreconstructedforProto-Bantu(LL,HH,LH,HL).TwopatternssurfaceallLinphrase-finalposition:tonelessomu-limi‘farmer’vs.L-finalaxasì‘maternalcousin’.Thesetwopatternsdistinguishthemselvesphrase-medially.ThreeothertonepatternsarecharacterizedbyasingleHthatoc-cupiesdifferentpositions:eʃi-láaro‘shoe’vs.omu-laáme‘heir’vs.i-koofyá‘hat’.ThreefurtherpatternsarecharacterizedbytwoHs,againdifferinginthepositionsoftheHs:eʃi-muúꜜná‘squir-rel’vs.eʃiꜜ -túúyu‘rabbit’vs.liiꜜ -téété‘grasshopper’.AsseemstobethenorminLuyia,thereisalsosignificantinternaldiversityinthelexicaltonalpatternsofnouns.Forexample,fourmainlexicalpatternsareattestedinBukusu.Thereisthefamiliartonelesspattern,e.g.omu-limi‘farmer’.TheotherthreepatternshaveaHontheaugment,anddifferfromoneanotherinwhetherthereisasecondHonthestem,and,ifso,itslocation:kúmu-xono‘arm’vs.kúmu-xomwá‘whip’vs.kúmu-βáno‘knife’(realizedaskúmú-βánoduetoaruleofplateau).ThistalkaimstobeginthechallengingtaskofexplainingthediversificationandcomplexificationofmodernLuyiatonesystems.
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Relativization in Kaakye LevinaAbunya(UniversityofGhana)E.KwekuOsam(UniversityofGhana) Thispaperdescribesrelativeclauses(RC)inKaakye.ItshowsthatKaakyeRCispostnominalandtheheadanditsreferentwithintheRCareobligatorilyexpressed.KaakyeusespronounretentionandgapstrategiestoindicatethepositionstheheadoccupiesintheRC.Withpronounretention,aresumptivepronounco-referencestheheadinperson,numberandanimacytostatethereferentoftheheadwithintheRC.AllNPpositionsontheAccessibilityHierarchyarerelativizable.Kaakyeemploysthe‘bracketingdevice’inrelativizationwheretwoenclosingrelativemarkersareplacedatthebeginningandendoftheRC.Evidencefromthelanguagesuggeststhattherelativemarkershavedevelopedfromdemonstratives.
Phonemic Quality Dist inction in Normal and Perturbed Speech in Twi KofiAduManyah(KNUST,Kumasi,Ghana) Non-pathologicalperturbedspeechisexamined.Previousstudiesindicatethatconsonantlengtheningaftershortvowelsmaycontributetoenhancingphonologicaldistinction.Whathappenstoquantitydistinctionunderincreasedspeakingrateconditionsandthecompressionthatmeasuredparametersmightundergo?Theoverwhelmingevidencefromacousticdatashowsthatincreaseinspeechrateleadstoacompressionofabsolutedurationsofvowelsaswellaspost-vocalicconsonants.Irrespectiveoftheexpansionorcompressionoftheacousticsignal,phonemicquantitydistinctionemergesconsistentlyintheVCdomain,andseemsindeedtobearobustphonologicalfeatureintheTwilanguage.
Adjectives in Sɛlɛɛ YvonneAgbetsoamedo(UniversityofGhana) ThispaperdescribesthevariousmeansbywhichpropertiesattributedtoentitiesareexpressedinSɛlɛɛ,aGhana-TogoMountains(GTM),Kwa(Niger-Congo)languagespokenbythepeopleofSantrokofiintheVoltaRegionofGhana.Sɛlɛɛhasthreegroupsofadjectives:(a)twounderivedadjectives,kplɛ‘big’andlɛ‘good’;(b)adjectivesderivedfromverbsbyaddingenclitic–letotheverbroot;forinstancetheverbsɛɛ‘toberipe’becomessɛɛle‘red’;and(c)alargegroupofideophonicadjectiveswhichischaracterizedbyreduplicativestemsandlongvowels.Theseincludekpɔlɔkpɔlɔ‘slippery’,kpalakpala‘sour’andtiii‘rigid’.
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Rhetorical Ecologies Driving Linguist ic Change in West Africa G.EdzordziAgbozo(MichiganTechnologicalUniversity)TolulopeOdebunmi(MichiganTechnologicalUniversity) InWestAfricaof the21stcentury code-switching andpidginhavemovedfrombeingusedfor informalconversationsto beingrhetorical tropes,especially inmarketingads.MTN,atelecommunicationcompany,showsthisintheirad:MTN,e-debeekekeMTN,it-isbeautiful [Ga-Adagme] justMTN,itisjustbeautiful.ApoliticalpartyinGhanausedthisexpressionastheir2012and2016campaignslogan–NDC,edebeekeke.Herethereisacode-switchingamongGa-Adagme,GhanaianPidginandEnglishacronym.ThisstudypointstoachangingpatternoflanguageuseandoffersanewperspectiveofthedecolonialprojectincontemporaryWestAfrica.
Event Semantics of Akan Separation Verbs DorothyAgyepong(UniversityofCapeTown)Separationverbscanbeclassifiedintotwomaincategories;CUTandBREAK.CUTverbslexicalizeacausalagentwhereasBREAKverbsdonot.Forthisreason,BREAKverbsandnotCUTverbsareabletoparticipateinthecausative/inchoativealternation.ThispaperexaminesthesemanticpropertiesoftheseverbsinAkan,Kwa(Niger-Congo)andarguesthatdatafromAkanshowsomedeviationsfromthisclaim.InthepresenceofcertaintypesofNPs,thequintessentialBREAKverbbehavessemanticallyandsyntacticallylikeCUTverbsandviceversa.Thepaperpresentsthevariouscontextsofsuchdeviations.
Consonant Mutation in Esahie GeorgeAkanlig-Pare(UniversityofGhana,Legon)VictoriaOwusu-Ansah(UniversityofGhana,Legon) Esahie,alsoknownasSewhi,isaTano/Central-ComoelanguageofthebroaderKwalanguagefamilywhichisspokenintheSouth-easternpartofGhana,andpartsoftheIvoryCoast.Itdisplaysacomplexseriesofconsonantalternationsknownasconsonantmutationintherealizationofallomorphsofmorphemes.Unlikeassimilatoryprocesseswheresoundsinadjacentpositionsexertchangeinfluencesoneachotherbasedonfeaturaldifferencesperse,inthecaseofconsonantmutation,thesoundchangesareinducednotsomuchbysuchfeaturaldifferences,butprimarilybymorpho-syntacticfunctions.Inthispresentation,weexaminevoicing,strictureandplacemutationsthataretriggeredintheprocessofmarkingnumberinnominalsaswellastense/aspectinflectiononverbsinthislanguage.
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The Syl lable Structure of Bùl ì Words GeorgeAkanlig-Pare(UniversityofGhana) ThispaperdiscussesthestructureofthesyllableinBùlì,aGurlanguagespokeninthenorthernpartofGhana.ItcontendsthatthemaximalsyllableinthelanguageisaCV-syllableandthateventhoughatthesurfacelevel,CVC-syllabletypesarerealized,thesearemostlysurfacealternatesofdisyllabicCVCVforms.InthesurfaceCVCform,therealizationofthecodaisalsoconstrained.Onlythreenasalsandtwoobstruentsoutof23consonantsmayoccurhere.Amongthem,onlyone,anasaliscoronal,andtheonewhichhastheleastincidenceofoccurrence.ApparentVCandV-syllabletypesarealsonormallyarticulatedwithaglottalstopinonsetpositionandinloanwordswithcoda,suchcodaarere-syllabifiedintoonsetthroughepenthesis.VC-syllablescharacteristicallyhavethe[Coronal,+Anterior]nasalinthecoda,whichinnormalspeechnasalizesthevowelandgetsdeleted.FurtherevidenceinsupportofaCV-syllabletypeforBùlìisderivedfromcomparingcognatesfromcloselyrelatedGurlanguages.WhereinBùlì,thesecognatesarerealizedasCVC,intherelatedlanguages,theyareCVCV-syllableforms.
The Typology of NC Sequences in Central Tano AkinbiyiAkinlabi(RutgersUniversity)AugustinaOwusu(RutgersUniversity) TheCentralTanolanguagesofGhanaandCoteD’Ivore,includingAkan,Nzima,Anyi,BauleandAnuf,havevaryingdegreesofalternationinNCsequences.Inthispaperwediscussthevariationamongthelanguages.InAkan,voicedobstruentsbecomenasals,keepingtheirunderlyingplacesofarticulation.Voicelessobstruentsontheotherhandarefaithfultotheirunderlyingforminvoicing,nasalityandplaceofarticulation.InAnyi,voicedobstruentsbecomenasals,asinAkan.However,voicelessobstruentsbecomevoicedafterthenasal,unlikeAkan.Finally,affricates,voicedorvoiceless,resistchange.ThefactsofNzimaformsarebroadlysimilartothoseofAnyi.However,onlytherelicsoftheNCalternationremaininBaule,whereonlythelabialobstruent[b]completelychangesto[m]afternasals.Thefactsofthefourlanguagesareaccountedforwithinteractionsthesamesetofmarkednessandfaithfulnessconstraints.
An OT Analysis of Consonant Deletion in Ì jẹ ṣà Yorùbá VictorT.Alabi(IndianaUniversity) IexamineconsonantdeletioninÌjẹṣàdialectofYorùbáusingOptimalityTheory.TheYorùbálanguage,amemberoftheBenue-CongolanguagefamilyisspokenasalinguafrancainSouth-WestNigeria.SeveralYorubadialectsarespokeninthisregion,e.g.theÌjẹsàdialect,spokenbythepeopleinIléṣà,Ọ" ṣunState.Icomparethe(Standard)YorùbáandÌjẹṣàYorùbáexploringthedeletionsofglide/w/andliquid/r/beforeanyroundedvowelinÌjẹṣàYorùbáwith*Onset-W:assignaconstraintviolationfortheconsonant/w/;and*Onset-R:assignaconstraintviolationfortheconsonant/r/;beingthehighestrankedconstraints.
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Saving the Face of Kings: The Ideology of Superiority in Yorùbá Discourse YewandeAluko(IndianaUniversity) ThispaperisaresearchintotheideologyofsuperiorityreflectedinsomeYorùbáproverbs,idomaticexpressions,euphemisms,andcircumlocutions,employedinsomespeechevents.ApplyingFaircloughandvanDijk'sapproachestoCriticalDiscourseAnalysisandMey'sPerspectivizationondatacollectedfromnativespeakersoftheYorùbálanguage,novelssituatedintheYorùbáculture,andYorùbáMovies,itwasobservedthatsomeofthesecommunicationstrategieswerenotonlyreflectingpolitenessbutarealsoideologicalrepresentationsofsuperiority,andthisindexicalizesthevaluetheYorùbáplacesonpositionandstatus.
Focus Construction in Ibibio OgbonnaAnyanwu(UniversityofUyo)AaronNwogu(UniverisityofCalabar)MarkOrji(UniveristyofCalabar)ImmaculateOkoro(UniveristyofUyo) TheIbibiofocusconstructionspresentasyntacticprocessthatmovesthefocusconstituenttotheleftperiphery,thusallowingfocusedmaximalprojections(i.e.elementsofthetypeXP)tosurfaceattheleft-adjacentpositiontothemorphemeke,thefocusmarkerleavinganemptycategoryintheIP-internalpositionItisarguedinthepaper,thatthefocusstrategyinIbibiorequiresaleftwardmovementofthefocusedconstituentintothespecifierorheadpositionofafunctionalprojectionsFocPwhosehead,Focisspecifiedas[+F].ItisfurtherproposedthatIbibiofocusconstituentsaresubjectedtoalicensingconditionthatissatisfiedinovertsyntax(i.e.atPF)withtherequirementthatanyconstituentspecifiedas[+F]mustbeinSpec-Headconfigurationwitha[+F]headandvice-versa.Itisundersuchasymmetricalcheckingdomainthatthefocusedconstituentmustraiseinovertsyntaxtocheckitsfocusfeatures(Aboh2004;Rizzi1991,1996,1997;Brody1990;Chomsky1995).
Male and Female Parents’ Indigenous Occupational Roles and Intergenerational Transfer of Indigenous Vocabulary: Evidence from Igbo OgbonnaAnyanwu(UniversityofUyo)AaronNwogu(UniverisityofCalabar)MarkOrji(UniveristyofCalabar)ImmaculateOkoro(UniveristyofUyo) Thepaperexaminesmaleandfemaleparents’indigenousoccupationalrolesandtheirinfluenceonintergenerationaltransferofindigenousIgbovocabularyitems.Thedataforthestudyweregatheredfrommaleandfemalerespondentsbetweentheagesof15to25yearswholivewithbothparentsengagedinindigenousoccupationsinthesub-urbanareasofthecapitalcitiesofthefiveSouth-EasternStatesofNigeriawhereIgboisindigenouslyspoken.ThefindingsofthestudyrevealthatthereisevidenceofendangermentofindigenousIgbovocabularyitemsassociatedwithbothmaleandfemale
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indigenousoccupationalactivities.Boththemaleandfemalerespondentshadhigherperformancepercentagescoresintheirknowledgeandidentificationofindigenouslexicalitemspeculiartothewomenoccupation.Thefemalerespondentshowever,hadhigherperformancepercentagescoresinthelexicalitemsassociatedwiththemen/womenoccupationalactivitieshence,itisthefemales,thatconstitutestrongagentsintheintergenerationaltransferoftheIgbolanguage.
Linguistic Genocide Against Development of Signed Languages in Africa EmmanuelAsonye(UniversityofNewMexico,Albuquerque)MaryEdward(UniversityofBrighton,Easbourne)GeorgelineEzinne(SavetheDeafandEndangeredLanguagesInitiative)NdidiAnike(SavetheDeafandEndangeredLanguagesInitiative) ThispaperarguesthattheAfricanDeafcommunitiesarerichinsignedlanguageswhichhavecontinuedtosufferfromlackofdevelopmentduetolinguisticgenocide;itarguesthatAfricansignedlanguageshaveuniquegrammaticalstructuresdeservingtobedeveloped,anddemonstratepatternsoftheeffectsoflinguisticgenocideonsignedlanguagesinAfricaandtheirusers.Amultidisciplinaryapproachwasusedinthedatacollectionandanalyses-simplequestionnairesandinterviewsfromdeafindividuals,deafeducatorsandsignlanguageinstructors.FindingsshowthatthesesignlanguageshavedevelopeduniquestructuralfeaturesdistinctfromtheASLoranyotherimposingsignlanguage.
Automated Classif ication of Ideophonic Sound Patterns in Wolof RebekahBaglini(StanfordUniversity)ArthurHjorth(NorthwesternUniversity) CommoninAfricanlanguages,ideophonesaremarkedwordswhichiconicallydepictsensoryexperiences.Becauseoftheirnon-arbitraryform-meaningassociations,ideophonestendtohaveunusualphonotacticsThisprojectusescomputationaltoolsBayesianclassificationtoinvestigatethedegreetowhichphonotacticfeaturesdistinguishideophonesfromnon-ideophonicverbsinWolof(NigerCongo,AtlanticBranch;Eth:Wo).Weextractedasetofthreedistinctphoneticfeaturesfromacorpusof200+ideophonesand900+non-ideophonicverbsdrawnfromtheWolofWikipedia.Usingthesefeatures,wetrainedandtestedaBayesianclassifierandfoundthatitwasabletoidentifyideophoneswithahighlevelofaccuracy.
An HG Analysis of Word-Final Vowel Deletion and Reduction in Gulmancema MaggieBaird(DartmouthCollege)
Gulmancema(Gur,BurkinaFaso)displaysanoveralldispreferenceforword-finaltensevowelsphrase-medially.Repairsincludevowelreductionandvoweldeletion,whichvarybothacrossandwithinphonologicalcontexts.ThisworkwillprovideanoverviewofthecomplexdatapatternsanddescribeaweightedconstraintapproachtothedatapatternsusingaMaximumEntropyHarmonicGrammar.
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Weightedconstraintsarepreferredtorankedconstraintsduetovariabilityinthedataandtoaccountforcasesofconstraintganging,includingsuperadditivity.
Word Order in Senufo Nafara DPs BertilleBaron(GeorgetownUniversity) SenufoNafaraDPsshowtheparticularlyrareunmarkedwordorder[NAPDefDemNumeral].Inthiscartographicaccount,theproposedderivationusesroll-upandspec-to-specmovementoperationstogeneratethiswordorder(Aboh2004,Cinque2005).Thisanalysisreliesontwomainclaims:thereisaninflectionaldomainƩPunderNuminwhichmodifiersareinthespecifierpositionoftheirownfunctionalprojections(Aboh2004);andEPP-featuresaregeneralizedtoalluɸ-features(Baker2003,Carstens2005).ThisanalysisbuttressesAboh’sworkonGbeandshowspromiseinaccountingforotherWestAfricanlanguagesshowingrareDP-internalwordorders.
The Rusty Speaker Paradox: Nyang’i Personal Pronouns and Semi-speaker-based Language Description SamuelBeer(UniversityofColoradoBoulder) Insemi-speaker-basedlanguagedescription,formsfoundinfreeornaturalspeech(e.g.innarratives)areoftenmorereliablethanformsproducedunderduress(i.e.indirectelicitation).Ontheotherhand,semi-speakers’useofavoidancestrategiesinnarrativesoftenmeansthatparadigmsbasedonnarrativedataareinevitablyincomplete.UsingthepersonalpronounsystemofNyang’i(Kuliak,Uganda),alanguagerememberedbyasinglesemi-speaker,Iillustratetheabovemethodologicalparadoxandexploretheutilityofcomparativeandinternalreconstructioninharmonizingdatacollectedviathedisparatemethods.
“We’re Al l Speaking Gibberish Here:” Discourses of Speakerhood in Iyasa AnnaBelew(UniversityofHawaii) ThispaperpresentsaninvestigationoflanguageideologiesregardingspeakerstatusinIyasa,anendangeredBantulanguageofCameroonandEquatorialGuinea.Usingadiscourse-analyticapproachtodatafromsociolinguisticinterviews,thisstudyexaminesthewaysinwhichIyasapeopleconstructtheidentityof‘good’or‘authentic’speakerhood—suchaspositioningrural,elderlymenaslanguageauthorities—andthewaysinwhichlocallanguageideologiesmaycomeintoconflictwiththosebroughtalongbyanoutsideacademicresearcher.Finally,thisstudyconsiderstheimplicationsoflocalideologiesofspeakerhoodforconductingeffectivelanguagedocumentationandrevitalization.
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Atypical Opacity in Rutooro Phonology LeeBickmore(UniversityofAlbany) Rutooro,aUgandanBantulanguage,exhibitsbothMidVowelHarmony,whereahighvowellowerstomidwhentheprecedingvowelismid,aswellasConsonantMutation,wherecertainsuffixesinducelenitionoftheimmediatelyprecedingconsonant.Giventhedescriptionsofthesetwoprocesses,theyarguablystandinableedingrelationship.ButwhatactuallyresultsinRutooroareformswhichareneithertheresultofthebleedingorcounterbleedingofthesetworules.Itisarguedthatresultingopaquesurfaceforms,unlesssomewhatarbitrarilycomplicated,exemplifyanatypicalopacity,andareproblematicforbothrule-basedandconstraint-basedaccounts.
Bafut Loanwords: An Optimality Theory Analysis KathyAnnBirnschein(BaptistCollegeofMinistry)
InthispaperIanalyzeEnglishloanwordsfromBafut(Tamanji2009),anEasternGrassfieldsBantulanguageofCameroon,usinganOptimalityTheoreticalframework.IdemonstratethatBafuthasfourinviolableconstraintsthatdisallowconsonantclusters,requireaminimumwordlength,limitthesyllablecodatoanasal,andrequirethattheleftedgeofthestemalignitselfwiththeleftedgeofthesyllable.Itemploysvowelepenthesisandconsonantdeletiontoresolveconsonantclustersintheonsetandcoda,respectively,andsorequiresthreeviolableconstraintsrankedwithrespecttoeachotherandbelowtheinviolableconstraints.Tamanji,Pius.2009.AdescriptivegrammarofBafut.http://www.africananaphora.rutgers.edu/images/stories/downloads/casefiles/bafutgs.pdf(Accessed6July,2016)
Comparative Constructions in Tafi MercyBobuafor(UniversityofGhana) Thispaperdescribesconstructionsforcodingsimilarity,equalityorsuperiorityamongtwoormoreentitiesinTafi,aKA-Ghana-Togo-Mountainlanguage.SuperiorityandequalityareexpressedinSVCs:V1denotesthePARAMETERwhiletheV2s(‘exceed’and‘be.equal’)co-lexicaliseboththeMARKandINDEXofthecomparison.Similarityinvolvesverblesstopic-commentstructures,theconnectivenânsí‘like.say’whichmarksandindexestheSTANDARDortheverbyi‘resemble’astheMARKandINDEXlinkingtheCOMPAREEandtheSTANDARD.Comparisoncanalsobeinferredfromverbssuchasbusó‘do.first’.Tafidoesnotformallycodeasuperlative.Itisinferred.
Optional Past Tense in Wolof M.RyanBochnak(LeipzigUniversity)MartinaMartinovic(LeipzigUniversity) Wediscussthetensemorpheme(w)ooninWolof(Niger-Congo),wheretenseisnotanobligatorycategory.Plungian&vanderAuwera(2006)analyze(w)oonas“discontinuouspast”,meaningroughly“pastandnotpresent”.Weargue(w)oondenotesaplainpasttense,similartooptionaltensesintheNativeAmericanlanguagesWashoandTlingit,andthatthemeaning“...andnotpresent”isacessation
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implicature,whichcanbedefeated,arisingduetotheexistenceoftenselessclauses.Ouranalysisaddstothemountingcross-linguisticevidencethat“discontinuouspast”doesnotexistasagrammaticalcategory,butratherthatcessationinferencesareduetotheoptionalityofpastmarking.
Intensifying Ideophones in Three Luhya Languages MargitBowler(UCLA)JohnGluckman(UCLA) Ideophonesaredescribedas“markedwordsthatdepictsensoryimagery”(Dingemanse2011:25);theyarearedocumentedinmanylanguages,particularlyinAfrica(Voeltz&Killian-Hatz2001,Hintonetal.1994,amongothers).Ideophoneshavereceivedrelativelylittleattentionintheformalliterature,despitetheinterestingpuzzlesthattheyraisefortheoriesofmorphology,syntax,andsemantics.WeprovideacasestudyofideophonesinthreeLuhyalanguages(Luragooli,Lunyore,andLutiriki:Bantu,Kenya),showthattheydifferfromotherdocumentedideophonesystemsinAfrica,giveadegree-basedproposalfortheirsemanticcontribution,anddiscussthetheoreticalpuzzlesthattheyraise.
Tone, Orthographies, and Phonological Depth in African Languages MichaelCahill(SILInternational) MarkingoftoneinAfricanorthographiesisachallenge,notonlyforanalyticalreasons,butalsobecausemostdesignersofthesehavebeeneducatedinanon-tonallanguage.ThispaperreviewsvariouswaysthatbothlexicalandgrammaticaltonearemarkedinseveralEastandWestAfricanlanguages,aswellaswhentoneisnotmarked.InlightofmorerecentphonologicaltheorythanChomskyandHalle(1968),Iexaminethephonologicallevelatwhichtonemarkingshouldbebased,bothforunderlyingtonesandfortheresultsoftonerules.Finally,Iclosewithtentativerecommendationsfororthographicalimplementations.
Nguni Phrase-Final Focus Particles and Antisymmetry Theory VickiCarstens(SouthernIllinoisUniversity)JochenZeller(UniversityofKwaZulu-Natal) ZuluandXhosaexpress'only'withthephrase-finalparticlekuphela.(1) Ngu-Sipho kuphelao-ya-sebenza kuphela. COP.AUG-1a.Siphoonly 3S.REL-DISJ-cook only 'It'sonlySiphowhoonlyworks'Weshowthatkuphelamustc-commanditsassociate,likeEnglish'only'.Thatkuphelaappearstotheassociate'srightisaseriouschallengeforantisymmetrytheory(Kayne1994)underwhichhierarchymapsinvariantlyintolinearorder.WealsoshowthatrecentLCA-inspiredapproachestophrase-finalparticlesfail(seeBiberaueretal2014,Erlewine2016)andconcludethatkuphelaisanadjunctexemptfromtheLCA(Takano2003).
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Vowel Processes in Gusi i JonathanChoti(MichiganStateUniversity) ThistalkisadescriptionandanalysisofvowelprocessesinGusii,arelatively under-describedBantulanguageofKenya.Thetargetphonologicalprocessesareobservedacrossadjacentmorphemes andwords. This work accounts for these alternations in terms ofphonetic andphonologicalconditioning. The relevantprocesses include fusion, gliding,deletion,harmony,lengthening,andinsertion.Theseareillustratedin(a-e):
a./e-bi-ino/AUG-CL7-tooth‘smallteeth’
à[ebi:no] (fusion)
b./o-mo-ana/AUG-CL1-child‘child’
à[omwa:na](gliding,lengthening)
c./o-go-soom-i-aAUG-CL15-teach-CAUS-FV‘toteach,teaching’
à
[ogoso:mi]
(deletion)
d./ó-mo-kɔ /AUG-CL1-brother/sister-in-law‘brother/sister-in-law’
à[ɔmɔkɔ ] (harmony)
e./N-tom-e/1SG-send-FV‘Isend’
à[(i)ntome] (insertion)
Rural vs. Urban Zulu: The Loss of yi in Reduplication ToniCook(UniversityofVermont) ThispaperpresentsZuludatafromruralandurbanareasofSouthAfrica’sKwaZulu-Natalprovince.Thevariableinquestionisword-internalyiinthereduplicationofmonosyllabicverbstems.Theresultsshowthatyiisstratifiedalongsociolinguisticlines,withthismorphemebeinglostinreduplicationamongurbanspeakers.Althoughthesespeakersretainyiintheimperativeofmonosyllabicverbs,itisunavailableinreduplication.Alongwitharural-urbandivide,thedatasuggestanageeffectaswell,withyoungerruralspeakerslesslikelytoproduceoracceptreduplicationscontainingyithanolderruralspeakers.Thistrendindicatesthatratherthanstablevariation,itisbetterunderstoodasachangeinprogress.
A Phonetic Study of Yoruba Vowel Deletion: A Case of Incomplete Neutral ization? NickDanis(RutgersUniversity) AphoneticstudyofYorubavoweldeletion(/CV1+V2/→[CV2])showsthatthevowelthatremainsafterdeletionisslightlybutsignificantlylongerthanashortvowelinnon-deletionalcontexts(p<0.001).Theexperimentcontrolledforinherentvoweldurationandvoicing/mannerofarticulationofthesurroundingconsonants.Previousphonologicalaccounts(e.g.Akinlabi&Oyebade1987;OlaOrie&
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Pulleyblank2002)analyzethisprocessasfullvoweldeletion,butbecausetheresultingvowelisincompletelyneutralizedwithasimplevowel,alternativeanalysesarediscussed.ThisalsorelatestoasimilarresultwithYorubatone(Ajíbóyèetal.2011)inthesamesyntacticconfiguration.
Did SA’s Pol it ical Parties Promote ‘Multi l ingualism’ During the Last Elections? ThaboDitsele(TshwaneUniversityofTechnology) ThespiritofSouthAfrica’sConstitutionisthat‘multilingualism’shouldbepromotedasameanstofostersocialcohesionandnation-building,withaviewtouniteitspeopleinacountrywithacenturies-longhistoryofracialsegregation.However,EnglishandAfrikaansremainthecountry’sdominantlanguages.Thisstudyaimedatinvestigatingtheextenttowhichpoliticalpartiesusedthecountry’s11officiallanguagestopromote‘multilingualism’duringthelastelectionsheldonAugust3,2016.DataweregatheredinTshwane(orgreaterPretoria)andfocusedonthebiggestpoliticalpartiesinTshwane.
Pieces of the Periphery: A Glance into the Cartography of Ibibio's CP Domain John-PatrickDoherty(UniversityofKansas) Cartographicstudiesoftheleftperipheryidentifyaconstantorderingofphrasesattheclausaledge.ThisorderishypothesizedastheresultofapredeterminedfunctionalsequencethatispartofUniversalGrammar.ProposalsforthisuniversalsequencemaketestablepredictionsabouttheorderingofprojectionswithinanyCP.Thesephrasesarevisiblethroughactivationbysyntacticphenomenathatmakethemovert.Ibibio(Niger-Congo)featuresaricharrayofperipheralelementsandstructure.TherelativeorderingofthephrasesinIbibioexaminedherereflectsproposeduniversalunderlyinghierarchicalstructureoftheleftperiphery,butmayrequireadditionalprojections.
Elucidating Dogon Prosodic Structures: The Case of Liquid ‘Fl ip-Frops’ in Beni (Dogon) MichaelDow(UniversitédeMontréal)ChrisGreen(SyracuseUniversity)RyanHendrickson(UniversityofMichigan) LiquidsinBeni(Heath2009)aresubjecttostrictlinearrestrictionsacrosscertainroot-suffixboundaries,whereallcombinationscollapseonto[l…r](e.g.,/ɔru-li/à[ɔli-ri]‘moist-INCH’).Thesepatternsareparticulartoderivationalmorphology(e.g.,[li:li]‘accompany’),andinflectionalsuffixesfailtotriggerstemalternations.Inouranalysis,lateralizationfeedslateraldissimilation(e.g.,/ɔru-li/>|ɔli-li|>[ɔli-ri]).WelooktolateralizationandotherprocessesasevidenceofBeni’sprosodicstructure,wherethesecondsyllableonsetpositionofwordsshowmetricalweakness,inlinewithprevioustrochaicanalyses.
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Prosodic Restructuring in Somali Nominals LauraJ.Downing(UniversityofGothenburg)MorganNilsson(UniversityofGothenburg) ItisuncontroversialthatinSomalinomorethanoneHightonecanoccurperPhonologicalWord(PWord).MoreproblematicistodeterminewhichmorphologicalconstructionscontributeaHightoneandtoprovideaformalaccountofthepositionandnumberofHightonesthatoccur.Preliminaryresultsofourstudyoftheprosodyofnominalconstructions,basedonelicitationdata,showsthatsomemorphologicalconstructionsdonothavetheHightonepatternsexpectedfromworklikeHyman(1981),Saeed(1999)andGreen&Morrison(2015).Weproposethepatternsaretheresultofprosodicrestructuring,whichappearstobetypicalofthesekindsoftonalsystems.
Herero Verb Tone KristopherEbarb(UniversityofMissouri)MilntraRaksachat(UniversityofMissouri) ThistalkoverviewsthetonalphonologyofHereroverbs(Bantu,Namibia,R.30).Weidentifythreetonalclassesofverbs,anddescribetheeffectofthetoneclasses,inflectionaltonemelodies,andhigh-tonedaffixesonverbalstemtonepatterns.Wealsodiscusstherelationshipoflexicaltoneclasseswithapatternofsegmentalallomorphyrelatedtotense-marking.Someconstructions,e.g.theRecentPast,areinflectedwithafinalvowel(FV)thequalityofwhichisdeterminedpartlybytheverb’stonalclass,thenumberofstemsyllables,andtheidentityofthefinalconsonantandvoweloftheroot.
Tone Assimilation in Yorùbá Agentive Aff ixed Nominals TaiwoEhineni(IndianaUniversity) ThispaperexaminestoneassimilationinYorubaderivedcontexts.BasedondatawithinthecontextofagentiveaffixedformsinYoruba,IarguethattoneassimilationinYorubaaffixedagentivenominalsisinfluencedbythetonalitystructureofthebasewhereonlytheMLandMHverbbaseformsassimilatetonefromanominalizingprefixandalsothetonalqualityoftheaffix.Thatis,prefixescarryingLowtone,unlikeMidtoneprefixes,maytriggertoneassimilationwithintheaffixalconstruction.
A Pragmasemantic Investigation of Metaphor (Un)translatabil ity in Arabic Rel igious Discourse KamelAElsaadany(GulfUniversityofScienceandTechnology) Thisstudyinvestigatesmetaphor(un)translatabilityinQuran.ItaimstoanalyzedifferenttranslationsofselectedmetaphorsinQuranandtoexploretheproblematicareasintranslatingthem.ItstheoreticalframeworkadoptsapragmasemanticapproachinanalyzingmetaphortranslationsintheQuran.Thestudyfindingsshowthatthereisnoone-to-oneequivalencebetweenthemetaphoricelementsinArabic/English.TheprocessoftranslatingmetaphorsinQuranintoEnglishisproblematicbecauseofthelinguisticandsocio-culturaldiversityofbothArabicandEnglish.Theprinciplesofconceptualmetaphortheoryprovedsuitableforeverydaymetaphors,buttheyencountermanychallengesinrendering
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metaphorsinreligioustextsthatchallengetranslatorswhostruggletoconveytheintendedmeaningofQuranicmetaphors.ThechallengeisclearforbothorientalandwesterntranslatorsofmetaphorsintheQuran.
Negotiating Identity through Personal Names among Nigerian Pentecostals NgoziUgoEmeka-Nwobia(EbonyiStateUniversity,Nigeria) ApplyingFishman(2006)’sprincipleofSociologyofLanguageandReligionthepaperexploresthenexusbetweenPentecostalismasasubcultureanditseffectonpersonalnamesasalinguisticresourceforidentityconstruction.Datafrom selectedPentecostalchurchesandschoolsinNigeriarevealashiftfromAfricannamesthatreflectthelinguistic,philosophicalandgeographicalinformationofthenamegiver/bearer.ThereisgrowinglinguisticpreferencefornamesinEnglishformsbutwithretentionofindigenousthoughtpatterns.Thepaperarguesthatnames,justlikelanguageprovidemeansofexpressionofidentity;andreligionplaysapivotalroleinlanguageshiftandmaintenance.
The Syntax and Semantics of Akan HIT verbs EmmaSarahEshun(UniversityofGhana) ThispaperexploresthesyntacticandsemanticpropertiesofHITverbsinAkan,aKwa(Niger-Congo)languagespokeninGhana.HITverbsinAkanexhibitmonomorphemic,serialverblexicalizationandreduplicationproperties.Dowty(1991:576)arguesthatinThematicrolesasPrototype,theProto-rolesdonotclassifyargumentsexhaustively,someargumentsmaysharethesamerole.Thestudyrevealsthatindeserializedconstructions,someinanimatesubjectentitiesuniquelyshareAgent/Instrumentroleasunitaryelementanddisplayimpactofcausativecharacter.SomeHITconceptsalsoexhibitpolysemousdenotations.ThestudyusesdatafromvariouspublishedAkansources;FanteBible,novelsanddictionaries.
Towards a Unif ied Account for na in Akan JamesEssegbey(UniversityofFlorida)GaliaHatav(UniversityofFlorida) GrammaticalaccountsofnainAkanidentify2differentforms:low-tonenà(LT-na)andhigh-tonená(HT-na)towhichdifferentfunctionsareattributed.Wearguethatallusesofnaaresubcategoriesofasuper-category,Root-na.Root-nalinksthena-clausewithsomethinginthecommonground,i.e.,somethingthatappearedinthepreviouscontextorispresupposed.ItisspelledoutasaLT-naorHT-na,dependingonthekindoflinking.LT-namarksdiscoursecoherencerelationssuchasfocusandnarrative-sequence.HT-naisanintensionalmarkerwhichlinkstimesorpossibleworlds.
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On the State Distinction and Case in Kabyle Berber LydiaFelice(McGillUniversity)InKabyle,nominalsmayappearintheFreeStateorConstructState.FreeStatenominalsarecharacterizedbypresenceoftheprefixa-.ConstructStatenominalslackthisprefix.NominalsintheFreeStateappearaspreverbalsubjects,complementsofcertainprepositions,andobjectsoftheverb.NominalsintheConstructStateappearaspostverbalsubjectsandcomplementsofcertainprepositions.IassumethattheFreeStatemorphemeisanintrinsiccasemarkeroccupyingK0.NominalsintheConstructStateareDPsthatmustbelicensedstructuralcase,whilenominalsintheFreeStateareKPsthatreceivecasefromtheFSmorphemea-.IproposethattreatingtheFSvowelasK0accountsforthefulldistributionofFreeStateandConstructStatenominal.
Efik Nominal Tonal Alternations as Phrasal Morphology EleanorGlewwe(UCLA) CertainEfiknominalconstructionsexhibitfixedtonalmelodiesthatoverwritenouns’underlyingtones.Previousanalysesofthesealternations(Welmers1973,Kim1974,Cook1985)arepurelyphonological.Workinginaconstraint-basedframework,Iproposethatthetonalalternationsareactuallyphrasalmorphology(McPherson2014).Thetonalmelodiesareoverlaysencodedinlexicalizedconstructionalschemasthatrelateidiosyncraticphrasalphonologywithspecificsyntacticconstructions.Theconstructionalschemasareenforcedbyconstraints.TheEfikcaseextendstheobservedrangeofphrasalmorphologybydemonstratingthatconstructionalschemaconstraintsandphonologicalconstraintscaninteracttodetermineaconstruction’ssurfacetones.
A Typological Study of Modality in the Luhya Languages. JohnGluckman(UCLA)MargitBowler(UCLA)MichaelDiercks(PomonaCollege)MauriceSifuna(KenyattaUniversity)KelvinAlulu(UnitedStatesInternationalUniversityinNairobi) WepresentacrosslinguisticstudyofmodalityinsixLuhyalanguages(Bantu,Kenya):Llogoori,Lubukusu,Lunyore,Lusaamia,Lutiriki,andLuwanga.WeshowhowtheLuhyamodalsystemconformstothetypologyofNauze(2008)andalsochallengeshissystem.OurdatacomefromoriginalfieldworkintheUnitedStatesandKenya,andwerecollectedusingamodifiedversionofVanderKlok’s(2014)modalfieldworkquestionnaire.Thisisthefirstin-depthdescriptivestudyofmodalityinBantu,anddirectlycontributestothebodyofresearchonmodaltypology(followinge.g.vanderAuweraandPlungian,1998;Palmer,2001;vanderAuweraandAmmann,2011).
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Logophoricity and Coreference Constraints in Gengbe Attitude Reports ThomasGrano(IndianaUniversity)SamsonLotven(IndianaUniversity) WereportonnovelandpuzzlingfielddataconcerningclausalcomplementationinGengbe(Gbe,Niger-Congo).Thecorepuzzleisthatalogophoricsubjectunder‘want’isobligatorilyboundbyanantecedentintheimmediatelyhigherclausewhenthe‘want’-complementhaspotentialmoodbutobligatorilyboundbyanantecedentinamoreremoteclausewhenthe‘want’-complementhasjussivemood.Wedocumenttheseandrelatedfactsandconsidertheirimplicationsfortheoriesofcontrol,logophoricity,andmood.Wearguethatcontrolcomplementsareproperty-denotingandthatlogophoricityandjussivemoodaretwoindependentroutesforcreatingproperty-denotingclauses.
Towards a Typology of Tonal Compactness in Mande ChristopherGreen(SyracuseUniversity) Tonalcompactness(TC)involvestheneutralizationofthelexicaltonalmelodyofoneorbothelementsinmorphologicallycomplexwordsandsomephrases.OnlytwotypesofTCarereportedintheliterature;thispaperproposestwoadditionaltypes.IshowthateachhasincommonthattheheadPWdcontributesitstonalmelodytothemaximalPWdencompassingthelargerconstruction.ThemaximalPWdreceivesthehead’stonalmelody,distributingitacrossotherelements;however,theoutcomesofdistributionandtheunitsacrosswhichtonesaredistributedaretype-specific.
Quantitative Methods in African Linguist ics - Predicting Plurals in Hausa MatíasGuzmánNaranjoLauraBecker WewillpresentacasestudyonHausapluralclasses.Hausashowsanextremelycomplexpluralsystem,withover40pluralmarkers,includingbrokenpluralsandreduplication,whichcanbegroupedinto15majorclassesNewman(2000).Additionally,multiplenounsexhibitoverabundance.Weproposeacomputationalimplementationofananalogicalmodelusingneuralnetworks.Weimplementthismodelbyusingformalfeaturesofthesingularformofthenouns:lastconsonant,lasttwovowels(withtheirtone),thelengthofthesingularandtheCVstructureofthelastfoursegments.
Implications of Absolute Neutral isation on Harmonic Serial ism: A Jóola Case Study AbbieHantgan(SOAS) InJóolaBandialtheverbstems,[ɛ-xɔx]'totie',[na-xɔɣ-ɛ]'s/hetied'illustratethatthesameconsonant,[x],inthecontextexpectedforthesametypeoflenition,thatbeingfollowingavowel,surfacesas[x]andas[ɣ]respectively.Inthispaper,Iprovideanalternativeanalysisto(Bassène2012ː126)inwhich
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theunderlyingformofthisrootis/-kɔk/‘tie’,andthatthetwoprocessesoflenitionaresensitivetotheapplicationofstressinthelanguage.TheresultsarediscussedwithrespecttoHarmonicSerialism(McCarthyJ.J.&PaterJ.2016).McCarthyJ.J.&PaterJ.(Eds.).Duncan,G.J.,&Brooks-Gunn,J.(Eds.).(2016).HarmonicGrammarandHarmonicSerialismAdvancesinOptimalityTheory.EquinoxPublishingLimited.Bassène,M.(2012).MorphophonologyofJoolaEegimaa.PhDthesis,UniversityofMinnesota.
Prosody and Cohesion in Ékegusií (Kisii) Narrative DanielW.Hieber(UniversityofCalifornia,SantaBarbara) Thispapershowshowprosodicfeatureslendcohesiontodiscoursebysignalingthetransitionsfromoneunitofdiscoursetothenext,therelationsthatholdbetweenthem,andtheirrelativeprominence.Iexaminesixprosodicfeaturesacross25narrativesinÉkegusií(Kisii),aGreatLakesBantulanguageofKenya–pause,vowelelision,prosodicaccent,pitchreset,isotony(intonationalparallelism),andintonationalcontour.Iexemplifythewaysthesefeaturesdemarcateconceptuallycohesiveunitsofdiscourse,createtiesbetweenonesegmentofdiscourseandanother,andindicatehow–andhowclosely–thenewdiscoursetopicrelatestotheoldone.
A Descriptive Overview of Noun Classes and the Morphosyntax of Agreement in Zaramo TobyHeiNokHung(GeorgetownUniversity) Bantulanguagesareknownfortheirrichmorphosyntacticsystems.ThisdescriptiveprojecthighlightsagreementinZaramo(G33),apreviouslyundocumented,moribundlanguagespokenprimarilybytheZaramogroupinthePwaniandDaresSalaamregionsofEasternTanzania.ThepresentationwillbeginwithasystemoforganizingZaramonounclasses,includingtheirsemanticcategories,thenmoveontotherulesthatgovernagreementmarking,particularlytheoccurrenceoftheobjectmarkerunderdifferentvalencyconditionsintheverbalcomplex.ThefindingssuggestthatnounclassesandagreementinZaramoarehighlysimilartoSwahili,despiteseveralkeydifferences.
Number and Animacy in the Teke Noun Class System LarryM.Hyman(UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley)FlorianLionnet(PrincetonUniversity)ChristophèreNgolélé(UniversitéCatholiqued’AfriqueCentrale) Inthispaper,wetracethedevelopmentofProto-BantunounclassesintoTeke(BantuB70,Ewodialect),showingthatformalreflexesofclasses1,2,5-9,and14aredetectable.Wefurthershowthatanimacy,abstractness,andnumberallowustodeterminethefateofclasses3,4,10,11andidentifythefollowingsingular/pluralgenders:1/2(animate<PB1/2,some9/10),1/8(inanimate,<PB3/4),14/8(abstract,<PB14/8),5/6(<PB5/6),5/9(<PB11/10,with10>9merger),7/8(<PB7/8),and9/6(<PB9/6).SuchreassignmentsprovideawindowintoprobingparallelnounclasschangesinotherNorthwestBantuandNiger-Congoingeneral.
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Sonorant Acquisit ion in Yoruba Child Phonology AdebolaAyoolaIsaiah(KwaraStateUniversity) Segmentalacquisitionhasuniversaldevelopmentalstagesandlanguage-particulardevelopmentalstages.InthispaperIaddresstheacquisitionofconsonantalsonorantsinwordsbyYorubachildren.Ishowthatthereisaparticulardevelopmentalpatterncommontoallchildren.Thispatterncanbeaccountedforby(a)assumingtheemergenceofsegmentalmarkednessconstraints,(b)assumingthatthereisaninterfacebetweenphoneticsandphonologyintheoutcomeofthechild’ssoundinventoryateachdevelopmentalstage,and(c)notingthatthesubstitutionofconsonantalsonorantsisdonewithanotherconsonantalsonorantsbutnotobstruents.Irrespectiveofthevariationsamongchildren,thesystemicsimplificationmethodusedbyallchildreniscategorialsubstitution.
The Stative Morpheme in Kinyarwanda KyleJerro Idescribethestativemorpheme–ikinKinyarwanda(Bantu;Rwanda),whichhasanticausative,stative,andpotentialreadings.Ipresentaformalsemanticanalysisof-ikasadetransitivizingmorphemeinwhichthedifferentreadingsfollowfromverbmeaning,thetense/aspectoftheclause,andidiosyncraticrestrictionsoftheroot.ThelattermostfactisevidenceagainsttheBifurcationThesisofRoots(BTR),whichproposesthatsyntacticrootscannotentailachange.Specifically,the–ikmorphemeisonlyavailablewithrootswhichentailachange,anditisunexpectedontheBTRthattherootdeterminesthederivationalstrategy.
Presupposit ions and Other Projective Contents in Kiswahil i JessiJordan(OhioStateUniversity) ThisposterinvestigatespresuppositionprojectioninKiswahilibasedonfieldworkwithtwonativespeakerconsultants.Sixtriggersareexamined:kumaliza`tofinish',kuacha`tostop,toquit',kujua`toknow’,tena`again',pia`too',andappositivenounphrases(suchasmwalimuwangu`myteacher'orkakangumdogo`mylittlebrother').ThemethodologyfollowsdiagnosticsforprojectionproposedbyTonhauseretal.2013,allowingforcross-linguisticcomparisonwiththeirreportsonthephenomenoninEnglishandParaguayanGuaraní(TupíGuaraní).
Vowel Spl it in Kinshasa Lingala PhilotheKabasele(UniversityofCalgary) Thispaperinvestigatesthesplitof/o/into[o]and[u](hereins[o]ands[u])inKinshasaLingalaanddetermineswhethersplits[o]/s[u]occupiesdifferentphoneticspacefromthealreadyexisting[o]/[u],respectively.Thestudyinvestigateswhetherthissplitisprimaryorsecondary(Korchin,2013:614).APictureElicitationTaskwasadministeredto26participantstoelicitthedata.IusedPraattoextractthefrequencymeasurementsofthevowels.IusedLobanov(1971)z-scoreformulatonormalizethedata.Theresultsshowthat/o/isrealizedass[o]ors[u]whichhavemergedinto[o]and[u],respectively.
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The Semantics of - ILE in Nyamwezi PonsianoS.Kanijo(UniversityofGothenburg) NyamweziisoneoftheBantulanguagesinwhich-ileencodesaresultativereadingwithinchoativeverbs.Nevertheless,someinchoativeverbs,including“perception”verbs,postureverbsandthoseverbsdenotingmentalprocessingandphysicalcondition,donotneatlyencodearesultativereading.Theseverbsgiveacontinuativereading,inwhichthereisnofinelineseparatingprioreventualityandthecurrentstate.Thesamecontinuativereadingoccurswithmotionverbs.Myanalysiswillprovidesomeinsightsandgivefurtherevidenceontherelationshipbetweenresultativeandcontinuativereadings,basedonelicitationdata.
Universal Quantif ication in the Nominal Domain in Kihehe KellyKasper-Cushman(IndianaUniversity) Thisstudyprovidesadescriptionoftheuniversalquantifiersmbe-ag2-li(‘all’)andkila(‘every’)inKihehe,aBantulanguagespokeninsouth-centralTanzania(G.62),andthuscontributestothescantliteratureonquantificationinBantulanguagesingeneral(Zerbian&Krifka2008).FollowingadescriptionofthepropertiesofthesequantifierswithintheNP,thisstudyanalyzeshowtheKihehedatabearonthephenomenaofcollectivevs.distributiveinterpretationsandthepartitiveconstruction.Finally,thisstudyarguesthattheKihehedatasupportMatthewson's(2001)hypothesisofnovariationcrosslinguisticallyinthesemanticsofquantifiers.
A-bar Agreement and the Tense-Aspect System in Bamileke Medumba HermannKeupdjio(UniversityofBritishColumbia)
A-baragreement(alsoknownaswh-agreement)isthemorphologicalreflexofA’-movement.Medumba“tense-marking”morphemesaresensitivetoA’–extraction.IproposethatA-baragreementisamove-basedphasalAgreeoperation.Therefore,agreementispredictedtoappearancewithsubjectsassubjectsmoveoncetoSpec-C.ExtractedobjectsfirstmovetotheedgeofvPwhereagreementisreflectedonV,thentoSpec-CwhereagreementisreflectedonT.Whenthereismorethanonetense-markingmorpheme,threeinstancesofA-baragreementarespelt-out.Iproposethatinthosecases,thereisanintermediatephasebetweenCPandvPheadedbyα.Thus,theobjectcrosses3phases:firstvP,thenαPandfinallyCP.
Two Strategies for Aff irmative Response to Polar Questions in Bamileke Medumba HermannKeupdjio(UniversityofBritishColumbia)MartinaWiltschko(UniversityofBritishColumbia) InMedumba,therearetwowaystosay“yes”asaresponsetoapolarquestion.Apolarquestioncanbeansweredwitheitherŋŋ orŋŋŋ.Thequestionthatarisesiswhethertheydifferfromeachother,andifsohow.Thispapershowsthatthetworesponsemarkersdifferintheirresponsetarget.Whileŋŋisused
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torespondtothepropositionalcontentofthepolarquestion,ŋŋŋisusedtorespondtoabiasintroducedinthepolarquestion.
Antiagreement in Berber and Theory of Agreement KunioKinjo(RutgersUniversity) OneoftheissuesthathavebeenlivelydiscussedintherecentliteratureoftheoryofagreementbasedonChomsky’s(2000)probe-goalsystemisondirectionalityofAgree:whetheritproceedsdownwardsorupwards(Zeijlstra2012,Wurnbrand2014a.o).InthisstudyIclaimthat(a)probingisalwaysdownward,and(b)phrasescanserveasprobes,throughaninvestigationoftheso-calledantiagreementeffectinBerber(AAE;Ouhalla1993),anagreementsuppressioneffectcausedbysubjectextraction,withaspecialfocusonahithertounaccountedforcaseofAAEthatistriggeredbyanegativeconcorditem(Ouali2005).
Shona Subjects are Subjects JordanKodner(UniversityofPennsylvania) TherehasbeendebateoverthestatusofShonapre-verbalsubjects.Traditionalanalysesassumethatitspre-verbalsubjectpositionisanA-position(Harford1983,etc),whilesomerecentanalysessuggestthatShonaandotherBantupre-verbalsubjectsactuallyoccupyatopic,A’-position(Bliss&Storoshenko2008,etc).WeprovidenewevidencefortheA-positionanalysisfromNSIpre-verbalsubjectsandthelackofweakcrossover.Additionally,wecounterclaimsmadeinfavorofthesubject-as-topicanalysisrelatedtosupposedstrongcrossovereffects.Theargumentspresentedheremayproveinsightfulappliedtothesubject-as-topicanalysisforotherBantulanguagesaswell.
Person and Animacy Interaction in Akan and Gã Post-Posit ions SampsonKorsah(LeipzigUniversity) Thispaperproposesthattheovertversusnullrealisationsofpronominalcomplementsofpost-positionsinAkanandGaresultfromthegeneralmechanismthatregulatestherealisationofpronounsinbothlanguagesi.e.theovertonesmove,andthenullonesaredeletedinin-situ.LikeseveraloftheirKwaneighbours,inAkanandGa,therealisationofapronominalcom-plementofapost-positionisafunctionoftheanimacypropertyofitsnominalantecedent;animateonesarealwayspronounced,butinanimateonesareoftendeleted.Interestingly,thispronunciationdistinctionobtainsonlyforthirdpersonpronouns.Toformallyaccountforthesepatterns,Iassumethat:a. Thenominalcomplementofapost-positionstartsoutasacomplement(totheright)ofthepost-
position(seeAboh2005,2004).Thefactthatitappearstotheleftofitsselectingheadsuggestssomekindofdisplacementincourseofthederivation.
b. Animacyisthesemanticcorrelateofpersoninsyntax(seeRichards2015).Thismeansthatallanimatepronouns(includingfirstandsecondpersonpronouns,whichareneverinanimate)haveapersonfeatureinsyntax,whileinanimatepronounsdonot.
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c. Nominalelementswithpersonfeaturesareattractedtoahigherposition(seeWoolford1999).Thismeansthatanimatenominalsareattractedfromtheirbase-position.
d. LinearisationfollowsKayne(1994)’ssystemi.e.high-to-lowmapsleft-to-right.Itfollowsthereforethatthenullpost-positionalcomplementsinAkanandGadonotmovehigher,forcingtheirdeletedin-situ,inordertomakelinearisationpossible.Animatepronounsontheotherhand,duetotheirpersonfeature,escapethisdeletionmechanismbecausetheyareattractedtoahigherspecifierbysomehigherfunctionalheadbearinganpersonprobe.
Comitative Constructions in Fon ReneeLambert-Bretiere(UniversityofMaryland,BaltimoreCounty) Fon,aKwalanguagemainlyspokeninBeninbyalmost2millionspeakers,exhibitstwotypesofcomitativeconstructions:onecomitativeserialverbconstructionwiththeverbxá‘toturn’inthesecondoftheseries,andoneconstructionexpressingcomitativityviaanadpositionalphrasekpó(ɖò)...kpó/kpán.ThetwocomitativeconstructionsinFonhavequitedifferentproperties.Theaimofthispresentationistoinvestigatetheirsimilaritiesanddifferencesinformsandfunctionsfromafunctional-typologicalpointofview.IdemonstratethatthedistinctionbetweenthetwocomitativeconstructionsinFonliesinwhichargumentistheprimaryparticipant,andwhichoneisthesecondaryone.
Common Plant Names in South Nilotic Akie KarstenLegère(UniversityofVienna) ThispresentationhastodowithcommonnamesforplantsintheAkielanguageofTanzania.Theidentificationoftheseplantnames(andplantusesfromanethnobotanicperspective)infieldworkandsubsequentspecimenanalysis(intheHerbarium/UniversityofDaresSalaam)resultedinarichdatacollectionthatisavailableintheDoBeSarchive,MPINijmegen/Netherlands.The450plantnameswillbeanalysedfortheorigin(i.e.Akie,borrowingfromMaaresp.trueMaasynonymorBantu[mainlySwahiliorneighbouringNgulu]),theselectionoflanguagespecificsingular–pluralpatternsandwordstructuresaswellasetymologicalaspects.
The Inflection of the Bembe Verb DerekLegg(UniversityofKentucky) ThispaperpresentsananalysisofverbaldatafromBembe,aBantulanguagespokenprimarilyintheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongo.BasedondatafromIorio(2015)andelicitationsofBembespeakersinLouisville,KY,IusetheNetworkMorphologyframework(Brown&Hippisley2012)toaccountforseeminglyirregularpatternsinBembeinflectionsuchasthepolyfunctionalityofsubject,object,andrelativizermarking,linkingtheframeworkwiththef-structureinLFG(Bresnanet.al2016).
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Stem-Init ial Prominence in West and Central Africa: Niger-Congo, Areal, or Both? FlorianLionnet(PrincetonUniversity)LarryHyman(UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley)ChristophèreNgolele(HekimaUniversityCollege) Inthispaper,Ifocusonthedistributionofstem-initialprominence(SIP)inWestandCentralAfrica.Basedonapreliminarysampleofca.100genealogicallyandgeographicallydiverselanguages,Ishowthat1)SIPisattestedalmostexclusivelyinNiger-CongolanguagesoccupyingthegeographicalcoreoftheNiger-Congospreadzone;and2)thefewnon-Niger-CongolanguageswithSIPinthisareaareincontactwithNiger-Congolanguages,suggestingarealeffects.Iconcludethat,despitethefactthatitisattestedmostlyinNiger-Congo,SIPisbettercharacterizedasanarealfeaturewithinthecoreoftheNiger-CongospreadzonethanasaNiger-Congofeature.
Ultrasound Imaging of [d], [ɖ] , and [gb] in Gengbe SamsonLotven(IndianaUniversity)KellyBerkson(IndianaUniversity)StevenLulich(IndianaUniversity)Thisresearchpresentsthree-dimensionalimagingofthearticulationoftypologicallyunusualsoundsinGengbe,aGbelanguagespokeninSouthernTogoandBenin.OfnoteintheGengbeconsonantinventoryistheuncommoncoronalcontrastbetween[d]and[ɖ]aswellaslabialvelardoublearticulation[gb].Recentadvancesinultrasoundtechnologymakeitpossibletocapturedetailedthree-dimensionalimagesofthetonguesurfaceduringthearticulationofthesesounds,aboutwhichmuchremainstobelearned.
Wh-Interrogatives in Ibibio: Movement, Agreement and Complementizers TravisMajor(UCLA)HaroldTorrence(UCLA)Inthistalk,weinvestigatethesyntacticpropertiesofwh-questionconstructionsinIbibio,aLowerCrosslanguageofNigeria.WeshowthatIbibioexhibitsthreewh-strategies:wh-in-situ,partialwh-movement,andfullwh-movement.Wethenexaminehowthewh-questionstrategiesinIbibiointeractswiththecomplementizers:ke(declarative),mme(interrogative),andnaŋa.Wealsoexaminetheinteractionofwh-interrogationwithfocusmorphologyandagreementontheverbbylookingatthepropertiesofantiagreementinlongdistanceAʹ-extractioncontexts.
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Tonal Inequalit ies in a Four-Tone Language: the Case of Seenku’s Middle Tones LauraMcPherson(DartmouthCollege) Seenkuisafour-toneMandelanguagespokeninBurkinaFaso,contrastingextra-low(X),low(L),high(H),andsuper-high(S).WhileXandSarefreetoappearinmanydifferentenvironments,themiddletonesLandHaresubjecttorestrictionsatboththelevelofthelexiconandonthesurface.Drawingondistributionaldatafromacorpusoftexts,Idiscusstherolediachronyplayedinthedevelopmentofsuchinequalitiesandhowtheyaremaintainedbythesynchronicgrammar.
Raising to Object in Lubukusu HazelMitchley(RutgersUniversity) InLubukusuDPscannothyper-raisepasttheagreeingcomplementizerAGR-li.CarstensandDiercks(2009)arguethatthisisbecauseAGR-liisahighC,whichactsasaphasehead,whilethenon-agreeingcomplementizerisalowC,andthereforenotaphasehead.Apotentialproblemforthistheoryliesinthefactthatispossibleto‘raisetoobject’acrossAGR-li.ThistalkattemptstodistinguishtheexactlocusoftheraisedDP(matrixDPvsleftperipheryoftheembeddedclause),anddeterminethetheoreticalimplicationsoftheDP’sposition.
The Lexicon of the Mixed Language Ma’á/Mbugu MaartenMous(LeidenUniversity) Ma’á/Mbuguisamixedlanguagewithajointgrammarandparallellexiconsharingmeaningandmorphosyntacticpropertiesbutwithtwodifferentforms,oneofwhichis“normal”Mbugu,aParelect,andtheotherformdifferentwithavarietyofsources.ThistalkisconcernedwithcorrelationsbetweenthevarioussourcesofthedeviantMa’áwordsandtheirsemanticfieldstakingadiachronicperspective,aswellaswiththewordsthatarenotdoubled,theiroriginandtheirsemanticfieldsandIlinkthistostudiesoflanguageattritionandthelexicon.
A Corpus Study of Swahil i Relative Clauses MohamedMwamzandi(UniversityofNorthCarolina-ChapelHill)
Themainobjectiveofthisstudyispresenting,viacorpusanalysis,possibleexplanationsforthechoicebetweenthetensed-relativeandtheamba-relativeclausesinSwahili(Niger-Congo,Bantu).100amba-relativesand102tensed-relativeswereextractedfromtheHelsinkiCorpusofSwahili.Analysisofthedatasetindicatesthattheamba-relativeisusedininstanceswherethetensed-relativeisrestricted.ThisstudypresentsanewperspectiveintheunderstandingofthepragmaticsofthetwoformsofSwahilirelativeclauses.Theresultsofthestudyshowthatthetensedrelativeisunmarked–morefrequentlyused.
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The Phonetic Real ization of High Tone Spans in Luganda ScottMyers(UniversityofTexasatAustin) Lugandahasshorthightonespans,limitedtoasinglesyllable,aswellaslongones,coveringanunboundednumberofsyllables.Thisstudycomparesthesetwoclassesinf0scalingandtiming,andalsocompareslexicalhightonesandintonationalboundarytonessubjecttothesametonespreadprocesses.Theboundarytoneshadasmallerf0riseandfallexcursionthanlexicalhightones.Inshortspansthef0risewascompletedearlierinthesyllableandthesubsequentf0fallbeganlatercomparedtolongspans.Thissuggeststhatlongtonespanshavelongtransitions,likelongsegments.
Logophoric Reference in Ibibio LydiaNewkirk(RutgersUniversity)
IpresentnoveldatafromIbibio(CrossRiver,Nigeria)logophoricpronouns,suggestingthattheybehavelikeshiftedindexicals(asinAnand,2006),despitebeingdistinctpronominalforms.Thisraisesquestionsaboutthesemanticsoflogophoricity,aswellassyntactic/morphologicalquestionsabouttherealizationoflogophoricelements.IproposethatIbibiologophorsaresen-sitivetobothacontext-shiftingoperatoraswellasabindingoperatorinthescopeofanattitudeverb.Theanalysiswillhaveimpactforthetypologyoflogophorsandotherlogophoricelementscross-linguistically,suggestingthatlogophoricpronounsandshiftedindexicalsarenotsoeasilydistinguishablesemanticallyaspreviouslythought,andraisingsyntacticandmorphologicalques-tionsabouttherealizationoflogophoricelementsfoundcross-linguistically.
Two Types of Focus in Limbum (Grassfields Bantu) JudeNformiAwasom(LeipzigUniveristy)ImkeDriemel(LeipzigUniveristy)LauraBecker(LeipzigUniveristy) Limbum(GrassfieldBantu,spokeninCameroon)hastwofocusconstructionsthatinvolvetwodifferentmarkersandpositionsintheclause.AsinmanyotherWestAfricanlanguages,verbfocusisencodedbythedoublingoftheverb.Byapplyingtestsforexhaustivity,contrastiveness,andaddressingtheinteractionwithfocus-sensitiveoperators(e.g.also,even,only,universalquantifiers)wewillshowthatthetwofocusstrategiesinLimbumexpresstwofunctions:informationfocusandidentificationalfocus(Kiss1998).Wewillaccountforthesyntaxofthetwoconstructionsandtest,whethertheyinvolveahighandlowfocusposition.
Register Lowering and Tonal Overwrit ing in Limbum Deverbal Nouns JudeNformiAwasom(LeipzigUniversity) WithnoveldatafromLimbum(GrassfieldsBantu,Cameroon),Ipresentanaccountofaninterestingbehaviouroftoneinnominalisedverbs.Ishowthatthenominalizerinthelanguagecomprisesafloatingtonalcircumfix(l-L)whichtriggersdifferentkindsofloweringeffectsontheedgesofverbroots.IassumethemodeloftonalrepresentationproposedbySnider(1999)andprovideanOT-analysisofthe
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data.Nominalisationinvolvescombiningthecircumfixwhoseprefixalsegmentformspartofanounclassmarkerandaverbroot.Theeffectofthisprocessisthatthetoneoftheverbrootlowers.TheHandLofthefirstsyllablebecomeMandLL(Super-low)respectivelywhiletheHandMofthesecondsyllablebothbecomeL.Loweringofthetoneofthefirstsyllableresultsfromassociationofthefloatingl-registeroftheprefixalpartofthecircumfixtothetoneitprecedesanddelinksitsoriginalregisterifitwash.Thesuffixaloverwritesthetoneofthesecondsyllable,henceHandMchangetoL.Thetoneofthefirstsyllableishowevernotoverwrittenbythesuffixal.Iarguethattheroot-initialsyllableisaprominentpositionwhosesegmentsarepreservedbyapositionalfaithfulnessconstraintwhichmakestheinsightsofthesesystembetterexpressedinOT.
Swahil i Passive and Stative Extensions and their Interaction with the Applicative DeoNgonyani(MichiganStateUniversity) ThispaperexaminestwoconstructionsinSwahilithatfailtoassignanexternalθ-role,namely,passiveandstative,andtheirinteractionwiththeapplicative.Althoughboththepassivederivationandthestativederivationsuppresstheexternalargument,theyexhibitseveralsignificantdifferences.Inapplicativeconstructions,thepassivepromotestheappliedobjectwhilethestativepromotesthedirectobject.ThepaperproposesisthatthepassiveextensionisgeneratedastheheadofVoiceP,whilethestativeisaheadthattakestheVPasitscomplement.TheanalysisprovidesanaccountfortherelativepositionsofthetwoextensionsintermsofsyntacticderivationsandtheMirrorPrinciple.
The Subjunctive Mood in Giryama and Tanzanian Nyanja NancyJumwaNgowa(PwaniUniversity)DeoNgonyani(MichiganStateUniversity) Thesubjunctivehasoftenbeenassociateditssemanticdistributiontoirrealisincontrasttotheindicative,whichisassociatedwithrealis.However,thereisplentyofdatafromdifferentlanguagesthatshowthatthesubjunctivedoesoccurinrealisenvironmentsofcomplementsoffactiveverbsandcausativeverbs.Usingtheprototypeapproachtomorphosyntax,wearguethatirrealismaynotbeanecessaryandsufficientconditionforthesubjunctive.However,wedemonstrateusingdatafromtheBantulanguagesofGiryamaandNyanjaofTanzaniathatconstructionsthatgiveirrealisandweakermanipulationreadingsprovidethebestexemplarsofsubjunctivesinthesetwolanguages.
Monsters in Dhaasanac and Somali SumiyoNishiguchi(TokyoUniversityofScience) InDhaasanac,Iintheembeddedclausecanrefertoeitherthematrixsubjectorspeaker,andyoushiftsitsreferenceintherelativeclause.Yesterday,todayandtomorrowoptionallyshiftreferenceintheembeddedclausewhilethelocativeindexicals,e.g.,here,remaincontextdependent.SuchshiftingpatterndoesnotfitintothethreetypesofmonstersidentifiedinSlave(AnandandNevins2004).Therefore,Iclaimtheexistenceofafourthkindofmonster.
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InSomali,thepersonandtemporalindexicalsoptionallyshiftundertheverbyi`say'whilelocativeindexicalsremainunshifted.Ifthecontext-shiftingoperatoronlyallowsshift-togetherofallindexicalsinitsscope,unshiftableindexicalsarenotreallyindexicalsbutdemonstrativesordefinitedescriptionsasSudo(2010)suggests.
Disappearing Lexemes in the Igbo Language: An Effect of Language Variation and Change GregObiamalu(NnamdiAzikiweUniversity)LindaNkamigbo(NnamdiAzikiweUniversity) ManywordsoftheIgbolanguagearefastbecomingobsoleteasaresultoftechnologicalandsocietalchanges.ThispaperdiscussesthedisappearinglexemesintheeverydayspeechofespeciallyyoungerspeakersofIgbo.ThepaperprovidesampleexamplesofsuchwordsascollectedfromdifferentIgbodialectareasandexpressestheobviousfearthatwiththepassageoftime,suchwordswouldcompletelydisappearfromtheIgbolexicon.ThepaperconcludesonthenotethatthereisurgentneedtoconductmultimediadocumentationoftheselexicalitemsbeforetheycompletelydisappearfromtheIgbolexicon.
Domains and Directionality in Gua Vowel Harmony MichaelObiri-Yeboah(UniversityofCalifornia,SanDiego)SharonRose(UniversityofCalifornia,SanDiego) ThispaperreportsonthedomainanddirectionalityofAdvancedTongueRoot(ATR)vowelharmonyintheBosodialectofGua,aGuanglanguageofGhana.GuahasninephonemicvowelsandanallophonicvowelderivedviaATRharmony.Harmonyisenforcedwithintherootandwithinnominalandverbalstems.Inaddition,theharmonicdomaincanextendtothelastvowelofaprecedingword.Guashowsexclusivelyregressivedirectionality,atypologicallyunusualpattern.WecompareGuavowelharmonytootherGuanglanguagessuchasNkonya,LɛtɛandNkami,whichdifferintermsofthedomainofharmony,butallshowregressivedirectionality.
The Augment in Logoori DavidOdden(OhioStateUniversity) ThispaperinvestigatestheaugmentinLogoori(Bantu).Thequestion“doesLogoorihavetheaugment”cannotbetriviallyanswered,sincepresenceoftheaugmentisvariable,accordingtospeakerandphonologicalcontext.IftheclassprefixisCVandnotC,theaugmentismorelikelytobeomitted.Otherfactsindicatephonologicaldeletion:speakersdifferintermsoftheinfluenceofthosefactors.Insomemorphosyntacticcontexts,theaugmentiseithermissingorrequiredforallspeakers,includingthosethatneverusetheaugmentincitationforms:itisrequiredunlessitssyntacticslothasbeenusurped.
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“Moral Panic” in Ghanaian Polit ical Discourse: A Prel iminary Study EmmanuelAmoOfori(UniversityofCapeCoast) Moralpanicoccurs“whenasocialphenomenonorproblemissuddenlyforegroundedinpublicdiscourseanddiscussedinanobsessive,moralisticandalarmistmanner”(Cameron,2012:82).Inthispaper,IexaminetheextenttowhichGhanaianpoliticaldiscourseevokesmoralpanic.Thepaperaddressesthequestion:Howislanguageusedinthecreationofmoralpanic?Toanswerthisquestion,IanalyzethreenewsstoriesperceivedtobemoralpanicsinGhanaianpoliticaldiscourse:KennedyAgyapong’ssexforjobinsultonGhana’sElectoralCommissioner;thetwoex-GuantanamoBaydetaineesinGhana;andmontiethree.Attheendoftheanalysis,itwasobservedthatthediscoursessurroundingthesestorieswerealarming,obsessive,exaggeratedandcanbeleastdescribedasinstancesofmoralpanic.Thelanguageusedbythemediainreportingthesepanicswasfullofemotionsandsensationalism.
Language, Gender and Ideology: A Sociol inguistic Analysis of I feoma Fafunwa’s ‘Hear Word! Naija Woman Talk True’ ChristineIyetundeOfulue(NationalOpenUniversityofNigeria) ThepaperexplorestheroleoflanguageincontemporarygenderequalitydiscourseinaNigeriansocietyandcontextwheregenderinequalityisencodedbyculturalandsocialpractices.Usinganethnographicapproach,thetheatricalpresentationofIfeomaFafunwa’splay‘HearWord!NaijaWomanTalkTrue’isusedtohighlightissuesofdiscriminationandinequality.ThefindingsshowthatNaija(akaNigerianPidgin)alinguafrancawithanhistoryoflanguageinequalityandsociolinguisticvariablesareusedastoolstoindexsocialdifferentiationandsocialgroupidentities,therebyempoweringactorstochangetraditionalstereotypicalnarrativesinacontemporarycontext.
Interjections in Ga YvonneOllennu(UniversityofGhana) Interjectionsareseenaspartoflanguageornon-wordsindicatingfeelings.ThepaperfocusesoninterjectionsinaKwalanguage,Ga,andexaminewhattheycommunicateamongtheGas.Itanswersthequestionofwhetherinterjectionsarepartofthelanguageornot.ThepaperexaminesthemorphopragmaticusesoftheinterjectionsbyemployingtheRelevanceTheory.Datausedwasgatheredfromnaturalconversationsandinterviews.Thepapershowsthatinterjectionsmayoccursentenceinitial/finaloralonetomeanawholeutteranceorusedspontaneously.Theycommunicateemotionalfeelingssuchassurpriseandangerofthespeaker.
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Language Barrier as Hindrance to Information Dissemination: A Crit ical Observation JulietOppong-AsareAnsah(KwameNkrumahUniversityofScienceandTechnology) Thisstudyaddressestheeffectoflanguagebarrierasahindrancetoinformationdissemination.ItexaminesthecausesofviolationofcertainrulesintheKumasiMetropolis.Dataisdrawn,throughcontentanalysis,fromcasespresentedtotheKumasiMetropolitanAssemblysuchas;driversparkingatspotswithobvious“noparking”inscriptions.Thestudyestablishesthatpeopleviolatetheserulesbecausetheyarehandicappedintermsofreading,andotherstooviolatetherulesduetocertainsocio-psychologicalreasons.
Near-synonyms in Lugungu and their meaning differences CelestinoOriikiriza(MakerereUniversity) Thepaperpresentsresearchonnear-synonymsinLugungu.TheresearchaimedatusingLugunguasatestlanguagetoestablishthecriteriafordisambiguatingthemeaningofnear-synonyms.ItinvolvedcompilingaLugunguwordlist,obtainingsynonymsofeachword,usingthesynonymsinsentencesandidentifyingtheirdistinctivefeatures.Theresultsshowedthatmuchastherearesimilaritiesbetweenthemeaningsofasetofnear-synonyms,therearedifferencesofdenotation,connotationandpragmaticinference.Therefore,thethreearethebasisonwhichthemeaningofnear-synonymscanbedisambiguated.VariousexamplesofLugunguaregivenasillustrations.
A Closer Look at bi : An Epistemic Indefinite Analysis AugustinaOwusu(RutgersUniversity) TheaimofthisstudyistoshedlightonaninterpretationoftheAkandeterminerbiwhichhashithertonotbeendiscussed.Wehighlighttheuseofthedeterminerasanepistemicindefinite(EI).Previousstudieshaveanalyzeditasareferentialandspecificitymarker.Wearguethatwhenbiisused,thespeakersignalsthathedoesnothaveaccesstoalltheinformationthatisrequiredto‘know’areferentinaparticularcontext.WeemployAloni(2001)andAloniandPort’s(2015)theoryofconceptualcoversandmethodsofidentificationtodetermine‘knowledge’ofareferentinaparticularcontext.
Language and National Unity: A Case Study of Igbo Traders in Ibadan, Nigeria SolomonOyetade(UniversityofIbadan) TheNigerianPolicyonEducation(NPE)isaimedatengenderingnationalunity.ItstipulatesthateverychildlearnsoneofthemajorNigerianlanguages.ThispaperadoptslinguisticaccommodationtheorytosurveyIgbotradersinIbadan(Yorubaland)tofindoutthelevelsofawarenessofNPEandintegrationoftheIgbo.FindingsindicatelackofawarenessofNPE,lowproficiencyinYorubaandstrongethnicidentitylinkedtotheIgbolanguage.WhileIgboisusedatintimatedomains,YorubaandPidginareusedinbusinesstransactions.Thus,thefeasibilityofNPEinachievingnationalunitythroughformaleducationisdoubtful.
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Lexical Density of the JUMP Domain in Maa DorisL.Payne(UniversityofOregon) Somelanguageshavehighlexicaldensityinagivensemanticdomain.MaasaifinelydividestheJUMPdomainbydistinctionsindegreeofprofilingcognitiveandsyntacticfeaturesofARGUMENTSTRUCTURE,MANNER,PATHelementsthattheFIGUREtraverses,andculturalfeatures.Forinstance,intransitivea-igís‘tojumpstraightupanddown’reflectsasalientcharacteristicofMaasaidancing;transitivea-dookí‘tojumpoversth.inadownwarddirection’typicallybringstomindwildanimalsjumpingoverafenceandintoakraal.TheMaaJUMPdomainalsoinformshowsemanticroot-levelfeaturescanbeover-riddenbyapplicativeandaspectualderivations.
Tense Agreement in Ndebele Light-Verb Constructions JoannaPietraszko(UniversityofChicago) Atypeoflight-verbconstructionsinNdebeleexhibittenseagreementbetweenthelightverbandthelexicalverb—thelattercansurfaceaspastsubjunctiveorpresent/unmarkedsubjunctive.Iprovideananalysisofsuchtenseco-variationbasedonanindependentlymotivatedsystemofINFL-agreementbetweenverbsandfunctionalheadsintheclausalspine.ItisshownthattenseagreementinNdebeleisnottheresultofadirectrelationshipbetweenthesubjunctiveverbandT,butratherbetweentheverbandtheclosestinflectionalhead.Evidencecomesfromcompoundtenses,whereinterventionofanaspectualcategorybreakstenseagreement.
Research and Revolution: Text Messaging as Tactical Tool PhilipW.Rudd(PittsburgStateUniversity) TextmessagingisadailyexpressionofliteracyinAfrica.SupportedbytheCenterforAdvancedStudyofLanguage(CASL)attheUniversityofMaryland(UMD),thisprojectcreatedacorpusoftextinginSheng,anAfricanurbanvernacularspokeninNairobi,Kenya.Thispaper,modelingtextmessagingasafieldworktool,examinestheresults.Messagesrefractintotheargotic,deviating,slang-like,rebellious,andpostcolonial(Achebe1975;Deumert&Masinyanha2008)strataofAfricanUrbanandYouthLanguage(AUYL)dynamics.
Complement Clause C-Agreement with Matrix Subject and Tense in Ikalanga KenSafir(RutgersUniversity)RoseLetsholo(UniversityofBotswana) Ikalangaclausalcomplementsareintroducedbythecomplementizerkuti,whichisinvariant,andasmallsetofverbscanuseanotherform,AGR-ti,thatagreeswiththematrixsubjectphi-features,butisalsosensitivetomood,voice,andtense.BothAGR-tiandtheinvariantformhavetherootofaverbmeaning‘say’,-ti,andcannotappearwhenmatrix‘say’ispresent.AGR-tilacksthefullmorphologyofitsmainverbcounterpart,maskingagreementincertainways.WeshowhowtheagreementismaskedbytruncationandproposeasyntacticaccountofthelocalagreementrelationsmanifestedonAGR-ti.
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Comparative Study of the Nominal System in Wolof, Bedik and French AdjaratouOumarSall(IFAN-CAD,DakarUniversity) ThepurposeofthisstudyistoanalysethesyntacticandsemanticfeaturesofthenounandthenounphraseinWolof,mënikandFrench,allspokeninSenegal.Frenchistheofficiallanguageofthecountry,WolofisthelinguafrancaandBedikisaminoritylanguagespokenineasternSenegal.Thestructuringofthenounandthenounphraseisdifferentinthethreelanguagesandthesearesyntacticcategoriescausingmanyproblemsinlearningandtranslation.Wewillshowhowthesethreelanguagesbelongingtodifferentfamiliesgroupwillinfluenceeachintheirownwayonthesyntaxofthelanguagebutwillalsofindthemselves,despitetheirdifferences,throughtheuniversals.
Language Policy and Linguist ic Ideology in Senegal AdjaratouOumarSall(IFAN-CAD,DakarUniversity) ThelanguagepolicyofSenegalaimstopromotethemainnationallanguagesasculturelanguagesandtokeepFrenchasanofficiallanguageandinternationalcommunicationmedium.ThepurposeofthispaperistoanalyzethelinguisticlandscapeofSenegalwithafocuson:-Howthecountry’slinguisticideologyisreflectedinitslandscape,-HowlanguagesareshapedandusedbySenegaleseintheircommonpracticesandintheinstitutions,-Finally,thegapordichotomybetweenthelanguagepolicyestablishedonthepaperandthelinguisticlandscapeinSenegal.
Emai Coordination Strategies for Clause Linkage RonSchaefer(SouthernIllinoisUniversityEdwardsville)FrancisEgbokhare(UniversityofIbadan) WeexaminepropertiesofclausecoordinationinEmai,aforestzoneEdoidlanguage.Ourdataemanatefromoraltraditiondocumentationaswellasdictionaryconstructionandreferencegrammardescription.Emailinksclauseswithadversativeàmáàanddisjunctivedà;thereisnoconjunctive.Adversativeanddisjunctiveconstructionsarehighlyconstrained.Eachrequirescoordinandsshowingsubjectidentityandapolaritycontrast.Disjunctionfurtherlimitsmoodandverbphraseexpression.AlthoughtheseconstraintsseemEdoidspecific,theclauselinkersthemselvesappeartoreflectsustainedcontactwiththeLakeChadConfluenceZone,whereArabicàmmā‘but’andrâ,lâ‘or’havebecomewidelyadopted.
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Toward a Typology of Niger-Congo Complementation RonSchaefer(SouthernIllinoisUniversityEdwardsville)ReginaldDuah(UniversityofGhana)FrancisEgbokhare(UniversityofIbadan) WeseektohighlightthenatureofS-complementsinNigerCongo.InitialsurveyresultsofWestAfricansubfamiliesrevealcontrastingsystems.AdifferentiatedsystemisevidentinWestBenueCongo’sEdoid,whereEmaishowsS-complementsforindicativekhi,subjunctiveliandconditionalsi.MorestreamlinedisKwa,whereAkanreliesonseandEweonbé.WhiletheseNigerCongoformscorrelatewithindependent/dependenttimereferenceandepistemicfunctions,wenotethatEdoidarticulatesthesefunctionsbypairingS-complementswithclauseinternalcategories,whileKwareliesexclusivelyonclauseinternalcategories.
A Survey of Negation Patterns in the Kwa Language Family LaurenSchneider(TrinityWesternUniversity) ExtensiveliteratureexistsonnegationbutonlyrecentlyhavestudiesexpandedbeyondIndo-European.Oftencitedpatterns,Jespersen’scycleandnegativeconcord,arenearlyabsentfromKwa(Niger-Congo).TherearecommonpatternsofnegationinKwausingapreverbalnasalmorpheme.OneexceptionisasmallnumberofGuanglanguagesthatdonothavethisfeature.Larteh(Leteh)utilizesaverbalprefixbÉ-whichresemblesmorphemesfoundinotherAfricanlanguagefamilies.OtherbranchesofKwaalsodonotrelyonpreverbalnasalnegationmarking.Thispaper’sintentistosurveynegationstrategiesinKwatocontributetothenegationliterature.
Causing by Social Interaction PatriciaSchneider-Zioga(CaliforniaStateUniversityFullerton)PhilipNgessimoMatheMutaka(UniversityofYaounde1) WeexaminesociativecausationinKinande,whereadistinctboundmorphemeencodestheideathatcausationisaccomplishedby“helping.”Wedemonstratethistypeofcausationmeans:xdidQtohelpydoQ.Thereisnotacomitativemeaningof“doingtogether.”Instead,eachagentdoesonlypartoftheactivity.Thishasconsequencesforthetypesofverbsthatcanundergosociativecausation.Weestablishthatthesociativecausativeheadtakesaroot,ratherthanalargerunitsuchasavP.Weinvestigatehowthesociative-causativeheadinteractswithfunctionalprojectionsintheextendedverbaldomain.
Benefactive Applicatives and Animacy in Ndebele GalenSibanda(MichiganStateUniversity) Thisstudyfocussesontheclaimthatthebenefactiveapplicativeisusuallyanimateespeciallysince“benefactionusuallyimpliesthattheBENEFICIARYiscapableofusingtheresultofthedenotedeventforhis/herpurposesinsomeway”(Kittilä&Zúñig2010:6).ThepapershowsthatinNdebeleanimacyisnotequallyimportantinthecategoriesof‘recipient’,‘plain’and‘substitutive’beneficiary.Itisfurtherarguedthatbenefactiveapplicativesarebestexplainedbyappealingtothenotionofteleological
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capability,“theinherentqualitiesandabilitiesoftheentitytoparticipateintheeventualitydenotedbythepredicate”(Folli&Harley2007:191).
The Phonetic Properties of Kihehe Stops KennethSteimel(IndianaUniversity)RichardNyamahanga(IndianaUniversity) Wearepresentingonthephoneticrealizationof[-continuant]consonantsinKihehe.Kihehe(heh)isaG62BantulanguagespokenintheIringaregionofTanzania.Thislanguagehasalargevarietyofcontrastivestopconsonants.Nasality,glottalizationandsyllabicityareusedtocreatethesedistinctionswhichwerefertoas'articulatoryclass'.Thissizableinventoryof[-continuant]consonantsfeaturesarticulatoryclassesthatareacousticallydistinct.Differencesinintensity,duration,andchangeinintensityovertimecharacterizetheseclasses.Spetrogramanalysesofthesesoundsalsoilluminatetheirdifferences.
GETCASE is Violable: Evidence for Wholesale Late Merger Abdul-RazakSulemana(MassachusettsInstituteofTechnology) Thegoalofthistalkistoshowthatwh-questionsinBùlì,aGurlanguagespokeninGhana,providesnewevidenceforWholesaleLateMerge(WLM)TakahashiandHulsey(2009),Stanton(2016).Inparticular,IarguethattheoutcomeofovertmovementinthelanguageisasaresultofrankingtheconstraintLATEMERGE,whichrequiresWLMaboveGETCASE,whichpenalizesaCaselessNPand*TOOLATE,whichassignsaviolationtolatemergeiftherelationshipitestablishesisnotthestructurallyhighestofitstype.IarguethattheinteractionsoftheseconstraintsareresponsibleforreconstructiondistinctionsbetweenBùlìandlanguageslikeEnglish.
Toward a Better Knowledge of Speech-Language Disorders in African Countries: Analysis of Chi ld Speech Disorders in Cameroon AurélieTakam(UniversityofToronto)
Childspeechandlanguagedisordersaregenerallyunknowninsub-SaharanAfrica.However,theimpactofthesedisordersforchildreneducationarewellestablished.Fromasampleof1127children,6%ofchildrenhadspeechdisorderswhichincludedspeechdelays,articulationandphonologicaldisorders.Boysweremoreconcernedthangirls.Fricativeswerethemostalteredsoundsthroughomissionandsubstitution.Also,complexsyllableswerethemostdisrupted.Theseresultsaregenerallyconsistentwiththeliteraturebothintermsofthelinguisticprofileofdisordersandintermsoftheirprevalence.Wediscusstheimpactofthesedisordersforchildreneducation.
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A Syntactic Description of Experiencers in Sereer-Si in KhadyTamba(UniversityofKansas) ThisstudyinvestigatesobjectexperiencersinSereer-SiinadialectofSereer,aWestAtlanticlanguageoftheNigerCongofamilyspokeninSenegal.IarguethatinSereer-Siin,experiencerscanbeusedtoextendBellettiandRizzi’straditionalclassificationofexperiencers.Ialsoshowthatsomeobjectexperiencersbehavelikeregulartransitiveverbswithacausativecomponent,whereasothersshowpropertiesofunaccusativeverbscontraLandau’sargumentsthatallobjectsexperiencersareunaccusative.Thesedifferentpropertiesofobjectexperiencersverbsaccountforasymmetrieswithrespecttoconstructionslikepassive,antipassiveandnominalization.
Ghanaian Social Interactions: An Ethnopragmatic Approach RachelThompson(GriffithUniversity) ThisstudyfocusesonexpectedcommunicativebehaviorsduringasymmetricalinteractionaleventsamongGhanaians.Drawingontheethnopragmatictechniquesofsemanticexplicationandculturalscripts(Ameka&Breedveld,2004;Goddard&Ye,2015),itdemonstrateshowtheGhanaianconceptofsocialhierarchy(i.e.thethoughtthatsomepeopleare‘above’others)influencesverbalinteractioninspecificways.Fiveculturalscriptsareproposedforinteractionswith(1)chiefs;(2)elders;(3)peopleolderthanoneself;(4)sociallypowerfulindividuals;and(5)respectedprofessionals.ThestudyattemptstoshowthepossibilityofdescribingGhanaiancommunicativenormsinsimplecross-translatableterms,soastoenablenon-Ghanaianstounderstandtheviewpointofculturalinsiders.
The Morpho-Syntax of Two Types of Factive Clauses in Seereer HaroldTorrence(UCLA) Thistalkdescribesthemorpho-syntacticpropertiesoftwofactiveclauseconstructionsinSeereer,anAtlanticlanguageofSenegal.Thetwoconstructionsaretypesofrelativeclausesandinvolvethepresenceofcomplementizersthatalsooccurinheadedrelativeclauses.Intheverbcopyconstruction,thereisminimallyacopyoftheverbontheleftedgeoftherelativeclause.Inthene-construction,onlythecomplementizerispresentontheleftedge.ThistalkfocusesonthecopyingDPargumentsandadjuncts,adverbs,prepositionalphrases,andverbalinflectionalandderivationalaffixesintheverbcopyconstruction.
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Syl lable Simplif ication Processes in Fròʔò YranahanTraore(UniversityofFrankfurt)FeryCaroline(UniversityFrankfurt) Topicoftheposteraresyllablestructure,phonotacticsandsyllablesimplificationprocessesinFròʔò,aTagbana(Senoufo,Gur,Côted’Ivoire).Phonotacticrestrictionsinfluenceloanwordsadaptations-aglottalstopcannotappearwordinitially,althoughitcanbeaword-medialsyllableonset,-[r]andallnon-lowvowelsisalwaysprecededby[h]wordinitially(route→[heruti].Threeprocessesofsyllablesimplificationareillustrated:fusion(1),apocopeandliquiddeletion(2).(1)pē wí ɲa→pūɲa (2) krɔ-+kpɔ-ʔɔ→kɔ.kpɔ.ʔɔ
they3.SG.PRO3 see ‘Theyhaveseenhim/her’ car big-CM‘bigcar’
A Musical Notation Analysis of Tonal Downtrends in Anaañ Reduplicative Constructions EmemobongUdoh(UniversityofUyo)GraceEkong(UniversityofUyo)NsidibeUsoro(UniversityofUyo)HoganItaMikeNtuk Thispaperseekstoascertainthetype(s)oftonaldowntrendthattheAnaañbasesyllablesundergoduringreduplication.UsingthekeyCmajoronthetrebleclef,theanalysisrevealsthat,forstemswithLow-Hightone(e.g.àbómààbóm-àbóm‘taboo/inaforbiddenmanner’),theF0ofthesecondhightonedriftsdownbytwosemitoneswhencomparedwithitscorrespondinghightoneintheleftmostmorpheme.Thisdriftseemstobeconditionedbytheneighbouringlowtonebecause,inthecaseofstemswithHigh-Lowtonecomposition(e.g.ídòtàídòt-ídòt‘bitterness/bitterly’),thesecondhightoneonthefirstsyllableoftherightmostmorphemealsodropsbytwosemitonesvis-à-visitscorrespondingleftwardtone.Thissyllableinitialhightonedriftinginthesecondmorphemedoesaffectthesucceedinglowtonewhich,ineffect,dropsbyfoursemitones,inrelationtoitscorrespondinglowtoneintheleftmostmorpheme.WhiletheHigh-LowandLow-Highstemsundergotonedowndrifting,thosewiththeLow-Lowtonalcompositionundergodeclination.
Foot Construction in Anaañ Denominalisation EmemobongUdoh(UniversityofUyo) ThispaperexaminesthemappingpatternsandconstraintsthataccountfortheconstructionofAnaañfootduringdenominalisation.ItwasdiscoveredthatAnaañdenominal/deadjectival,whichischaracteristicallybinaryfooted,doesconstructbothheavy-lightandlight-lightsyllabletrocheeswithreferencetothefunctionalunityofdenominal-specificanduniversalconstraints.Also,whiletheright-aligned(RED)uplicantmorphemeisconstantlyaCVsuffix,certainphonologicalconfigurationsintheinputconditionabimoraicormonomoraicbasesyllable.Forinstance,theinputwithanN-prefixorabackvowelneithertakesacodanorallowsvoweldoubling.Ontheotherhand,bimoraicbasesyllablesarederivedfromCVinputswithaV-prefix,inputswithglidecodas,/p/codas,non-backvowelsand
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trimoraicsyllables.Findingsalsorevealedthatdenominalisation-inducedphonologicalprocessesdotakeplaceonlywithinthefoot,andanysegmentoutsidethefootmayremainunaffected.
Causative in Lubukusu and other Bantu Languages AggreyWasike(UniversityofToronto) ThispaperdiscussesthemorphologicalcausativeinLubukusu,Kiswahili,KinyarwandaandChichewa.Theselanguagesmanifestsomesimilaritiesincausativemarking,buttheyalsodifferfromeachotherwithregardstounspecifiedobjectdeletion,form~semanticscorrelation,andobject~obliquealternation.Forexample,whileChichewafreelyallowsobject~obliquealternation,Lubukusudoesnot.ThepaperthenconsidersthemeritsanddemeritsofanalyzingthecausativeconstructioninBantuasatwo-placepredicateontheonehandandathree-placepredicateontheother.Followingthisdiscussion,Iproposetoderivethecausativethroughincorporationandsyntacticmovementthatappliestoastructurecontainingacausativefunctionalprojection.
The Lexical Underspecif ication of Bantu Causatives and Appl icatives MattieWechsler Pylkkänen(2008)proposestwokindsofapplicativeheadsandthreekindsofcausatives,bothtypologiesbasedonmergeheight.Ataskincomparativesyntax,then,istoestablishwhereapplicativeandcausativeheadsmergeinagivenlanguage.MyevidencefromBantu(Shonainparticular)showsthat,atleastforBantulanguages,causativeandapplicativeheadsareunderspecifiedforcomplementselection(height)inthelexicon.Iarguethisbyprovidingevidenceofanadditionalmergelocationforapplicativeheads,examiningthesemanticinterpretationsofcausative-applicativeco-occurrence,andobservingsimilaritiesbetweencausativesandapplicativesthatmergeinsimilarlocations.