23027065

International Journals

WOMEN IN ISLAM: THEIR ROLE IN RELIGIOUS AND TRADITIONAL CULTUREAuthor(s): Saneya SalehSource: International Journal of Sociology of the Family, Vol. 2, No. 2 (SEPTEMBER, 1972),pp. 193-201Published by: International JournalsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23027065 .

Accessed: 12/05/2014 18:35

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

International Journals is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to InternationalJournal of Sociology of the Family.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 193.190.253.150 on Mon, 12 May 2014 18:35:04 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=intejour

http://www.jstor.org/stable/23027065?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


WOMEN IN ISLAM: THEIR ROLE IN RELIGIOUS AND TRADITIONAL CULTURE

Saneya Saleh

American University in Cairo, Cairo, Egypt

This paper deals historically with the role of women in the Moslem world

from the inception of Islam till the present. It verifies the valid distinction between Islamic and extra-Islamic traditions with regard to the role of women in the Middle East. Unlike the pre-Islamic institutions of Arabia which were highly unfavor able to women, Islamic institutions of the Utopian age of Islam (seventh century) elevated women's status and did not deprive them from playing any respectable role in the Moslem community be it political, social, or otherwise—as long as it did not lead to the neglect of their primary role as mothers and wives.

Extra-Islamic traditions later on led to the degradation of women and to a distorted picture of the "ideal Moslem woman." This was helped by borrowing and imposing foreign laws especially with reference to the family. Also reactionary men interpreted the Koranic laws that dealt with women "literally" in their own

favor ignoring intentionally the "spirit" of Islam that gave women almost equal rights and complementary roles.

As

shown m our previous treat

ment of status (Saleh, 1971) Middle Eastern students—and especially

those of European background—have in

terpreted Middle Eastern culture as

wholly Islamic and have for that reason

treated this culture as homogeneous. Thus,

and erroneously, the low status of women

in Middle Eastern societies has been

attributed to the Moslem faith and to

Islamic institutions founded upon it.

But as it stands, Middle Eastern culture

is heterogeneous. The status of women

relative to men is low because of extra

Islamic traditions—some of which have

co-existed with Islamic culture for cen

turies, and some of which spring from

European civil laws which have been

imposed upon Middle Eastern societies

in the throes of Westernization. At no

point in examining the conceptual base

of Islamic institutions (the Koran, the

Hadiths, the Sharia Laws)—can one

find adequate support for the theory that

the low status of Moslem women is to

be laid at the doors of Islam. But to the

contrary there is every evidence that this

culture supports equality of women and

men in a situation of complementarity of roles. Here, our chief concern is with

the role of Moslem women, and here

again the same thesis which was found to

apply to status will be seen to apply also

to role.

The thesis relating to the role of

Moslem women has been partially de

monstrated in the previous treatment of

status where our procedure was to objec

tify all relevant data from the Koran, the Hadiths, and the Sharia Laws. Here,

additionally, we shall focus upon the his

torical contexts within which the role of

women emerged-the seventh century, the

Middle Ages, and the twentieth century. In this historical treatment it should

become clear that the emergence of the

role of women is consistent with the

emergence of their status; and that any

discrepancy between the ideal and actual

role of women is owing to the existence

of extra-Islamic cultural elements operat

ing in Middle Eastern societies.

Islam is a practical faith. It regards women as worthy of esteem and respect. It lays down the ideals, the expectations, the standards of conduct as moral norms



UN i. tKiNA i IUJ.NA-L juukjnal, U* bUCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY

governing tne relations oetween tne sexes.

As Citrine remarks:

Lsiamic principles are compatible witn

Feminine emancipation and do not ex

:lude women from public activities as

many European scholars have claimed

^Saleh, 1971, passim).

WOMEN OF THE .SEVENTH CENTURY

Traditional Islam "envisages man's

and woman's role as complementary not

as competing. Each has certain privileges and duties in accordance with his or her

nature." (Nelson, 1968:60). The natural

ind traditional role of woman is that of

ivife and mother, "in which she excels

Dy nature and disposition," and through vhich she gets the satisfactions and joys hat most women of this region wish to

experience (Citrine, 1966:4). y vsiue irom ner own satislaction tHis

"natural" role is important and valuable

to society. It is as great a challenge to

achievement, as any which men have felt

in other spheres. The Hadiths (Prophet's

sayings) place Paradise at the feet of

mothers—thus granting a high status to

'wise and noble" motherhood (Darwizah,

1967:30). Yet, in addition to their natural imrden in procreation, women and men

ilike are also endowed with equal faculties

>f mind which the Prophet recognized vhen he said, "The acquisition of know

edge is a duty incumbent on every Moslem male and female," thus indi

ating that both are equally capable of

cquiring and using knowledge. This lust imply equal opportunities for both

sxes in education and all intellectual

ctivity (Citrine, 1966:4). n. stuay 01 tne naann

" shows that,

and in hand with her rightful position

i ne islamic principles require a woman

to be mindful of family duty and care

ful of her personal conduct, and with

these fundamentals assured, they are

not in any way restrictive of her acti

vities, and endow her moreover with

equal human rights. (1966:1).

in the home, as the rearer of children

and the manager of the household, seventh

century woman took interest in all the

activities of the Moslem community. The care of the children did not prevent her from going to the mosque to join the

prayers (a thing not done now), nor was

this care an obstacle in her way ... to join the soldiers in the field of

battle, to perform a large number of

duties, such as the carrying of prov

isions, taking care of the sick and the

wounded... or taking part in actual

fighting when necessary. One of the...

Prophet's wives, Zeinab, used to prepare hides and to devote the proceeds of

the sale to charitable work (Ali, n.d.:

647). Moreover, wives ol the Jfrophet were

'accessible to religious inquiries," espe

:ially Aisha who was the "repository of

he traditions," and hence was often con

ulted on religious matters (Galwash,

958:151). Women also helped their husbands in

the labor of the fields, served the male

guests at feasts and carried on their

own business. "They could sell to and

purchase from men." As early as the

seventh century, a woman was appointed

by the Caliph Umar as "superintendent of the market of Medina" (Ali, n.d.:

648). These were exceptions for the

proper sphere of the woman was the

household and the care of children.

However, this did not imply subservience

to males. The ideal woman was charac

terized as "dependent, chaste and fertile"

(Nelson, 1968:61), but Islam never favored

her seclusion in any "extravagant form"

(Galwash, 1958: 155). Each sex had its own sphere of relatively independent activities.

Thus, it is the traditional but extra

Islamic culture as a whole that has

allotted to women a position of economic

dependence regarding their "earning a

livelihood," and this is due to the fact

that Eastern man has always undertaken



WOMEN IN ISLAM: THEIR ROLE IN CULTURE 195

the responsibility of supporting all the

women in his family, and has regarded this responsibility as a matter of personal

honor and pride. Therefore, women under

the more general Eastern traditional social

order, have come to be regarded as

dependent, "part of a home group," and

not as independent members of society.

However, their position of economic

dependence was "stabilized" by the

Moslem law of inheritance which gave

them full control of their income and the

full liberty to dispose of their property.

These legal rights, if applied, insure to

Moslem women a "measure of economic

independence" greater than that of women

in some Western countries. However,

Moslem women are often ignorant of

their Islamic rights and do not control

their income (Woodsmall, 1936:239-240). Furthermore, their freedom to raise their

income by means of going out and earning

their living has been hampered by the

social tradition of the East and not by Islamic religion.

Unfortunately lor Moslem women. . .

these socio-religious reforms designed for the seventh century have not fur

nished a basis for continuous progress and reform. (Woodsmall, 1936:376).

On the contrary, some have remained

static while others have been abused by men. Customs rather than the actual

teachings of the Koran resulted later in

the veiling and seclusion of women.

l he kole of women in 1 he Middle Ages

Tile general spirit of reform—especially as it pertained to the emancipation of

women in the seventh century—persisted on into the Middle Ages, but not without

attritions. Certain pre-Islamic habits and

practices were bound to persist also, and

these are especially apparent among those

who came in the Middle Ages to interpret the "Sharia." They were not imbued

with the spirit of reform. The esprit de corps }f early Islam as a social movement was low missing. Burdened with the persist

ent residues of pre-Islamic traditions,

they were indifferent to the ideal of ele

vating womanhood. In matters concern

ing women, these interpreters have re

mained "reactionary" in their thinking

by literally adhering to the extra-Islamic

customs of the seventh century—even

to the point of making a more rigid inter

pretation of the Sharia than the actual

customs of the Prophet's day required

(Woodsmall, ,1936: 377). I he decline of Islamic civilization in

the Middle Ages was accompanied by a

deterioration of the social condition of

women. Their place in society was re

stricted. It was determined rigidly by the

letter and not the spirit of the Koran.

It could even be argued that the letter

of the Koran was adhered to in an extra

Islamic spirit. "Hence sprang a number

of afflictions, some of which still exist

and are the bane of Moslem women."

Among the worst of these are: (1) un

restricted polygamy or 'jebr'—a custom

permitting the marriage of under-age

females without their consent, and (2) unilateral repudiation of a wife by her

husband (Djibar, 1961: 34-36). Uni lateral repudiation became a weapon in the hands of husbands and, along with

the general deterioration of Islam in the

middle ages, contributed greatly to family

instability and broken homes.

Generally then, during the Middle Ages, is the heat of the reform movement

:ooled, extra-Islamic customs functioned

to increase the rights and privileges of

men while decreasing their obligations, md at the same time they decreased the

rights and privileges of women while

ncreasing their obligations. Both the

ibove customs were abuses of the Koran

md are diametrically opposed to both

:he letter and the spirit of Islamic norms.

Situation In The Twentieth

Century

The long decline of Islamic civiliza

;ion has hardly been retarded by the



96 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL 01< SUH1ULUUY OL I ML r AM1LY

orces ol history since the Middle Ages.

Wars and conquests, international con

victs, the intervention of European insti

tutions—all have left their imprint upon

the structure, the norms and the dynamics

}f the Moslem world. The implantation

}f Western institutions and Western laws,

both civil and criminal, create a division

between traditional and implanted culture

patterns. The term "dual society" is

indeed not an unreasonable description

of the situation in general. Here, urban

segments, and especially the middle and

upper classes clearly follow a mixture of

norms and values—favoring Western

like institutions and laws, while the

traditional "townsman" (Ibn al-Balad)

of the lesser trades follows more closely

in dress, language, and religious practices

the traditional mixture of Islamic and

"co-Islamic" customs. Outside the cities

reside the "fellahine" who represent

some three-fourths of Moslem societies.

In each of these classes, the role of women

has come to vary greatly. I he general thrust, however, lies in

he desire of so many Moslems today to

jecome a part of the "modern world."

As strange as it may seem to European

scholars, however,—if "modernization"

includes the emancipation of women—

the Islamic tradition offers far less resist

ance to the emancipation of women than

do the civil laws of European origin

which are already deemed to be "modern".

Extra-Islamic traditions (including trans

planted European norms and values as

well as non-Islamic customs which have

persisted for centuries in the Arab world)

constitute the chief forces of resistance

to the emancipation of women of the

Middle East. But what will such emanci

pation mean?

In the Koran, in Islamic society at

its height, emancipation meant almost

equality with males as well as comple

mentarity of male and female roles. But

"modern" emancipation does not appear

to have this same meaning. In the West—

where considerable "emancipation" Has

ostensibly taken place—independence of

males does not typically include a comple

mentarity of male and female roles.

Apparently, the emancipation of Moslem

women from demeaning extra-Islamic

role expectations means independence

without complementarity. What this may

mean with reference to the family and

its stability may already be spelled out by

the great decline of the family in Europe

and the United States. But is this condi

tion the necessary heritage of the Moslem

world? What modern function can the

centuries-old Islam fruitfully serve in this

regard ? Middle Eastern scholars are

everywhere asking and seeking answers to

such questions. As Hussein (1967:4-5) writes:

Egyptian society seems to De at tne

threshold of drastic changes. The stabi

lity of its traditional family system is

being shaken through social, economic

and political developments which start

ed at the turn of the century, and

which have increased in intensity in

the past decade. The traditional family

system of Egyptian society has for

a long time been dominated by three

main factors; Moslem family law, the

family patterns of agrarian society,

and the tradition of the seclusion of

women called the "harem."

Since Middle Eastern societies are

based on the Koran, the will to reform,

"the task of purifying Islam from what

corrupted and paralyzed it" in the Middle

Ages, has gone hand in hand with a

return to the original sources of Islam,

and a new, more liberal interpretation of

the text of the Koran (Djibar, 1961: 19).

Naturally women have played their part

in enforcing this change. In Egypt, as

early as 1929, the feminist movement

persuaded the parliament to "suppress

the practice of jebr." The Feminist Union

in Egypt represents a conscious women's

movement for social change and reform.

Although not widely representative of



WOMEN IN ISLAM: THEIR RULE IN CULTURE 9/

Egyptian women, due to the fact that

most of its members were wealthy "women

jf leisure," it was an organized type of

social movement whose objective was the

modification of the social order in some

jpecific regard (Gettys, n.d.: 2). Like

any other social movement, it had an

agitator and leader in the person of Mrs.

[ loda Sharaawi. She advocated from

the beginning "political equality, suffrage

and women's representation in parlia

ment," and general social reforms. The

movement relied also on propaganda for

the advance of Egyptian women and this

was promoted through a magazine that

they published (Woodsmall, 1936: 356

358). The Egyptian feminist movement

arose due to changes in the values of

women regarding the conceptions they

have of themselves, and of their rights

and privileges. The agitators of this

movement insist on the "banning of

polygamy" and fight for "limiting man's

freedom to divorce without court ruling,"

and for "doing away with the man's

right to 'obedience' " (i.e., allowing the

wife to separate from her husband),

and for allowing the woman "guardian

ship over her children until marriage for

the daughters, and to the age of puberty

for sons" (Hussein, 1964:4). If we search for the impelling motive

of this steady outward movement" of

women in Egypt, we undoubtedly find

that the spirit of nationalism, which

since World War I has surged through

the Middle East, as played a great role.

Moreover, the sudden appeal of patriot

ism has swept away "all hampering social

and religious inhibitions," and given

Moslem women (also Coptic women), a

sudden realization of their power and

responsibility for serving their nation.

Moreover, the growth in "national con

sciousness" among women has led to

their active participation in political

life. This is illustrated in the Nationalist

Egyptian Revolution of 1919 in which

women of all classes and religions, veiled

md unveiled, "thronged" the streets

resides the men, demanding independence

md the fall of the English (Woodsmall, 1936: 362-366).

Thus we see that the horizon ol Moslem

women's activities widened steadily. The

roles that they played in the home were

supplemented not only with work in

'civic and national life, but also into a

growing range of,international relation

ships." Moslem women started to repre

sent Egypt in world conferences. After

that it was impossible to maintain the

traditional conception of women. Social

changes due to the impact of modern

civilization have involved inevitable

changes in religious thought.

This interaction of social and religious

change is a subject of vital significance

in the study of the changing status of

Moslem women, since the emancipa

tion of women is at the very heart of

social reform (Woodsmall, 1936: 378). Thus the twentieth century has "invoked"

a new relationship between religion

and society in the Islamic World. For

example, the social laws in the United

Arab Republic, which affect the status

of women in the social, economic and

political spheres, have been found easy

to change and even to "revolutionize"

in accordance with the changing needs

of a new society. However, since all

progress in Egypt must be in harmony

with Islam, the "compromise method"

of social reform though a modern inter

pretation of Islam has gained in influence

(Woodsmall, 1936: 379). In 1936, although the great majority

of Moslem women were fatalistic in their

attitude toward religion and life, a small

minority of them began to question the

relationship between the accepted teach

ings of Islam and the demands of their

modern world. Mrs. Sharaawi based

her demand for social reform in Egypt

on the spirit of the Koran and has not

promoted any reforms which did not have

Islamic sanction, thus showing general



198 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY

conformity to the prevailing policy in

Egypt as regards the promotion of social

advance. For instance, her claim for

"equality of education for girls" has been

based on the teaching of the Koran. She

has urged a "law prohibiting polygany,"

except in the exceptional cases mentioned

in the Koran (Woodsmall, 1936:407). Since then, the "traditional position of

economic dependence" of Moslem women

has been gradually changing. "A general

trend toward a greater freedom for women

to earn a living is evident in all classes

of society"—among the upper and middle

classes of Moslem girls and women who

are entering professions, and also the

lower class in industry. This change in

the economic status of women is due to

education which opened the door of

economic opportunity for them. Through out the Middle East, teaching was the

only profession that has long been accept ed for women. However, in the earlier

days, it was regarded as a "means for

needy widows or girls" of the lower class

to earn a living. Nowadays the general level of the teaching profession is every where being raised and "public opinion has put the stamp of social approval" on it (Woodsmall, 1936: 241-243).

An unusual opportunity for women

in the East is found in the career of

medicine and this accounts for the great number of women who have chosen it.

However, the attitude toward nursing and midwifery is "prejudicial,," for these

professions are looked down upon, both

"socially and morally."

Besides teaching, medicine, nursing and

midwifery, very few public professions were available for Moslem women be

for 1936. There was, however, a steady

growth in social work by volunteer

Moslems. Thus we can say that at the

beginning of the twentieth century there

was a "general outward movement from

the home toward some measure of parti

cipation in business and professional

life" (Woodsmall, 1936: 248-251). How

ever, at the same time that "woman is

allowed entry into the once forbidden

man's world she is confronted with a

certain ambivalence." In Egypt men

generally object to the participation of

their women in the occupational world,

"more as a matter of the men's prestige

than (lack of) recognition of women's

rights." However,

. . . the traditional notion of a clear sexual

division of labor has changed and the

woman not only wants but is encouraged

to participate actively in the larger

society. . . this change is creating cer

tain role conflicts affecting men as

well as women (Nelson, 1968: 67-74).

As a result, many reactionaries point

out the fact that change does not neces

sarily mean progress, and ''new freedom

on some Western models may not be a net

gain but a loss" (Woodsmall, 1936: 409). Then is no doubt that the concept

of the ideal woman of the Middle

Ages has changed from the submissive,

passive "ignorant tenderness" of a

generation ago to the independent,

active, "education partner" of today,

but there still exists a gap between

what educated Egyptian women want

for themselves and what Egyptian

men want for them (Nelson, 1968:75).

During the years preceding the 1952

Revolution, women's organizations claim

ed political rights for women, yet it was

to no avail. For the first time in the

history of Egypt, the Constitution of

1956 stipulated that men and women

should enjoy equal political and social

rights, and that these rights should be

safeguarded. So article 19 stipulated

that "the State should extend every

facility to women to coordinate their work

in society with family duties." After that

women entered as active members

the National Assembly and then the

Arab Socialist Union. Moreover, an

Egyptian woman has assumed the posi

tion of Minister with success. According

to the Charter (1962):



WOMEN IN ISLAM: THEIR ROLE IN CULTURE 199

Woman must be regarded as equal to

man and must therefore, shed the re

maining shackles that impede her free

movement so that she might take a

constructive and profound part in

shaping life. In the past two decades the number

of women in professions has rapidly

multiplied and opportunities have widened

until today women have entered almost

every field of occupation which had been

traditionally considered a "masculine

preserve." This has been accelerated by

the tremendous drive for education which

has been made "free for all at all levels"

including the university, which has re

sulted in giving women "self confidence

and a new concept of self" (Hussein,

1964:23). New range of employment has opened

to women in practically all fields, govern

ment, trade, industry, in the professions,

in tourism, hotel management, air travel,

scientific research, etc. This fact is all

the more significant because

. . . our labor laws deal equally with

men and women, while at the same

time provision is made for legitimate

maternity protection to the working mother under these laws (Hussein,

1964: passim). Moreover, the employment of women

has brought about "an equalization of

roles within the family." Thus the wife

is "gladly contributing to the family

budget, which is a departure from tra

dition." Work for women, which until

recently was "detrimental to the social

prestige" of the woman, is now giving her status and making her even more

eligible for marriage. She is now valued

for her economic contribution to the

family, for her "intellectual companion

ship" to her husband, as well as for greater

competence in the rearing of the children,

As a matter of fact, the emancipation

of Egyptian women through their edu

cation and employment is the "keystone

to the changes in the family pattern in

Egyptian society" (Hussein, 1967:10). She now enjoys much greater social

freedom in her relations with men, in

schools, clubs or work.

The role of women s voluntary organiz

ations is still recognized as important in

effecting social changes. As a matter of

fact, ever since Mrs. Sharaawi had

challenged Egyptian society "by throwing

her veil into the Mediterranean" 47 years

ago, women hkd been engaged in volun

tary social service. It was their first means

of "assuming responsibility in public

life and of asserting their dignity and

worth as citizens over and above their

roles as wives and mothers" (Hussein,

1964: 8). The low position of contemporary

women in the Moslem world is attribut

able to the abuses of Islamic law on

the part of males and not to Islamic

teachings. To a certain extent, it is due

to the Family Law, which still gives the

Moslem husband many privileges. But,

in spite of the fact that this law is still in

force,

the working woman s economic inde

pendence gives her a de facto status in

the family which redresses the balance

in favor of a more equalitarian rela

tionship between her and her husband

(Hussein, 1967: 10). She is no longer afraid of her husband's

repudiation. What is more, recent sta

tics show that more and more divorce

"is initiated by wives, most of whom

were educated working women." New

reasons for divorce reflect a new sense

of "individualism which rejects the

unquestioned acceptance of tradi

tionally prescribed roles" (Hussein, 1967: 10).

The narrow conception of womanhood,

developed over the centuries especially in the Middle Ages, which emphasized the "species preservative role of women"

at the expense of their human rights as

persons, is gone forever. The changing role of Moslem women is apparent in



200 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY

their contributions in different areas

of life—in the home, in business and

professions, in civic affairs and political

life, in social welfare and community services.

In spite of the fact that there are still

many ultra conservatives who oppose

any alterations of the Moslem Sharia

Law, the revision of these laws is under

serious consideration by the official

authorities in Egypt. In the committee

studying the proposed alterations there

are a few educated women members.

The view is held by more and more

Moslems that:

Islam is a progressive religion which

makes allowance for the modification

of its social legislation—to be differ

entiated from its purely theological

dogma, in accordance with changing

conditions and in conformity with the

current interest of the community

(Hussein, 1967:6).

Conclusions

The position of woman was elevated

in the seventh century at the inception of Islam which gave her both rights and

duties. At the time of the Prophet she

participated in community affairs and

had more freedom than either before or

after.

Her position deteriorated in the Middle

Ages and she played no independent role

in social life except that of "passive and

submissive" wife. She was secluded, and

excluded from almost all affairs outside

the home. Employment was considered

as a disgrace for this indicated the "in

capacity of the head of the family to

provide financially" for the family.

At the beginning of the twentieth

century, when she was given the benefit

of education, she started to come out of

her isolation. However, any gains that

she made, she fought for herself basing

her argument on religion. Her rationale

for this is the fact that the Koran is the

conceptual base of Islamic institutions.

Since Islam did not look down on women

as unworthy or unequal to men, there is

no reason to treat them as such.

From the above historical review, it

has been demonstrated that the low status

and demeaning role accorded to Moslem

women all through the ages is cultural

and not Islamic in origin. Islam does

not differentiate between men and women

in the matter of education or work,

though traditional culture does. If there

is any objection to women playing active

roles in society, this is attributable to

the mentality of the Eastern traditional

man who likes to feel superior and "res

ponsible" for his women folk. In short, it is

the norms of extra-Islamic culture that

expect this behavior and not the religion of Islam.

References

Ali, Maulana M.

n.d. The Religion of Islam. United Arab

Republic: National Publication and Print

ing House.

A1 Shatiq. Bint.

n.d. Prophet's Wives (Arabic). Cairo: Dar A1 Hilal.

Citrine, Malika.

1966 "Islam And The Emancipation of Women." Ramadan Review.

Darwazah, Mohamed Ezzat. 1967 Woman In Koran And Sunnah (Arabic).

Beirut: The Modern Library.

Djibar, Assia.

1961 Women of Islam. Netherlands: Andre Deutsch Limited.

Galwash, Ahmad A.

1958 The Religion of Islam. Cairo: Impri merie Misr, S.A.E.

Giettys, W. F.

n.d. "Trends of Social Change: Social Move ment."

rlussein, A.

1964 "Seminar on the Status of Women in

Family Law." United Arab Republic. Working Paper in United Nations Re

gional Seminar on Status of Women i»

Family Law.



WOMEN TN 1ST.AM • THF.TR ROLF, TN CUT .TURF. 201

1966 "Recent Developments in the United

Arab Republic." Fiftieth Anniversary Conference. The Population Crisis: Twen

tieth Century Challenge. New York.

1967 "The Family As a Social Unit—Respons ibilities of Husand and Wife." Eighth Conference of the International Planned

Parenthood Federation, Santiago, Chile.

Nelson, C.

1968 "Changing Roles of Men and Women:

Illustrations From Egypt." Anthropolo

gical Quarterly 41 (April): 57-76.

Woodsmall, Ruth F.

1936 Moslem Women Enter a New World.

New York: Round Table Press, Inc.

1960 Women And The New East. Washington: The Middle East Institute.



23027065

Documents