2013 election problem

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POLITICAL DYNASTY: A

PARADOXProemThe 1986 Philippines Constitution provides in Article II, Sec. 26, The State shallguarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibits politicaldynasties as may be defined by law.

A paradox is defined in the dictionary as a statement seemingly absurd or contradictory,yet in fact true.The dictionary definition ofdynasty is a line or succession of sovereigns from thesame family. A political dynasty is defined as a political group or party whose memberor members occupies the same elective position for many successive elections.

The COMELEC defines political dynasty as a situation where persons related to eachother within the third civil degree of consanguinity or affinity hold elective officesimultaneously or some offices successively in a region, legislative district, province,city or municipality.Constitutional Paradox

Art. II, Sec. 26, guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service Thismeans that anyone who satisfies the needed qualifications can run for a particularelective office. The accident of birth or marriage that makes people relatives is not aprohibition.The provision continues, and prohibits political dynasties If it is taken as a

continuation to the previous statement, the politicaldynasty should mean the groupingor political party because it is not a person. Any person, according to the precedingstatement is guaranteed equal access.However, the last phrase says, as may be defined by law. The Constitution allowsitself to be contradicted in its statement if the law will define political dynasty that doesnot guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service.Maybe it is the reason why until the present, after 26 years, Congress could not yetdefine what is PoliticalDynasty.Political DominanceThe definition of COMELEC is not Political Dynasty in accordance to Standard Englishdictionaries. At best, the COMELEC definition can be classified within Political

Dominance and it is not prohibited by the Constitution. There are really people whoknow how to win an election. They could be individuals, relatives, or members of aparty or groups. Shall these kinds of people be punished for their ability to winelections?How about if one brother will run for Mayor in one town and another brother in anothertown and the father runs for Governor, will they be deprived by law for presentingthemselves as candidates? Will the accident of birth govern even if the relatives arealready very different in principles and outlooks in life?
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In my opinion, let them run, and let the voters decide. The definition of Political Dynastymust not contradict the proviso of guaranteed equal access for the opportunity of publicservice. The essence of democracy should prevail.Voting ParadoxI have just finished a Poll Survey for a town in Bohol. When I ask the method of

campaigning Mohatag og inangayan. = Will give money as a method ofcampaigning,the response was only 7.6%. In other words, 92.4% does not want that money shouldbe a consideration in the campaign.However, when asked Kun hatagan ka og kuwarta aron pabotaron sa usa ka kandidato, unsaang imong buhaton?= If you will be given money to vote for a candidate, what will youdo? Answer: Modawat og mobotar. = Will accept and vote has 71% positive response.The paradox is, the voters do not want money to be given (92.4%) but yet will vote forthe candidate when given a certain amount of money (71%). For me it is a paradox, butmaybe to the voters it is not a paradox because the same behavior was also observedduring the 2010 election.The queer things is that there is a satisfaction amount. Below the satisfaction amountthe voters will not vote and above the amount the voters will not also vote. I am still in aquandary how to explain this queer behavior.

Noynoy and political dynasties

President Aquino, now leader of a dynastic political family, had promised to introduce a

new kind of politics that has turned out to be an eminently bad idea, after two years in

office.WHEN President NoynoyAquino came to office, he promised to deliver a new kind ofpolitics in our politically divided country. He did indeed, his own unilateral governance.

It has turned out to be an eminently bad idea!During his first two years in Malacaang, we all saw how Aquino granted himselfunprecedented powers, violated with impunity the Constitution on the rule of law, dueprocess, the checks and balance, and co-equal three branches of government clause ingoing after the hides of his perceived political enemies, particularly his predecessorGloria Macapagal Arroyo and Chief Justice Renato C. Corona.

Aquinos promised changes have not come about, although he has been bragging

about ridding the country of corruption, the growing economy, the swarming of investorsall over the country under his watch. Alas, the reality is that corruption persists, povertyand hunger levels are rising, prices of food, fuel and oil are skyrocketing, the economy

is sagging, and direct foreign investments are in fact really paltry.All this may be an uncomfortable truth to Aquino, but he has simply shrugged it all offbecause hes well-entrenched in power and has practically full control of Congress. Soany idea of his being impeached by those who want him thrown out of the Palacebothers him not a whit.Noynoy seems confident of support from his political cronies and allies. And he expectssome of the candidates for the Senate and other elective positions, affiliated or allied,with his Liberal Party, to win in next years mid-term elections and support him and his


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administration in the four remaining years of his six-year term in 2016. Most of thembelong to political families, or the so-called political dynasties. (The term is, as I usedto tell my university political science students, the equivalent of an oligarchy, that is, agovernment by a few, especially by a faction of persons or families.)

Aquino himself, as we all very well know, comes from the Aquino and Cojuangco

dynastic families. His mother Cory was president for six tumultuous years and his fatherNinoy was a political firebrand as a senator, whose bte noire in his time was thenPresident Ferdinand E. Marcos.Senator Ferdinand Bongbong Marcos Jr. belongs to a political dynasty, too. And,

when and if he runs for the presidency in 2016 and wins, hell be the third presidentialchild to assume the highest position of the land, like then President Arroyo and now

President Aquino.Well, as we have seen in many, many decades past, politics in this country has beenunder the control of notable political families, such Roxases, Osmeas, Lopezes,

Aquinos, Cojuangcos, Marcoses, and over seventy others in the catalogue of political

dynasties from Aparri to Jolo.These dynastic families are known to have spawned elitist 500 public officials in highgovernment levels, including presidents and vice presidents, senators andcongressmen, and in local governments. As shown by a recent survey by the PhilippineCenter for Investigative Journalism, about two-thirds of members of both the Senateand the House of Representatives come from political dynasties. And it said that the

members of political families will tend to legislative in favor of their own interests to thedetriment of the majority.Indeed, they all have taken root not only in national but in local governments, occupyingsuch positions as governors, vice governors, mayors and vice mayors and councilors,

and even down to the level of barangays all over the nation.The power and influence of these political families have been growing ever since weregained our independence as a nation in 1946. Political dynasties, in the view of

former Senator Aquilino Pimentel Jr., are a terrible indictment of the kind of politics we

have.He was not the only one severely critical of the ascendancy of those dynastic politicalfamilies. Dr. Encarnacion Teresa Tadem, director of the Third World Studies Center atthe University of the Philippines, noted that the continued flourishing of politicaldynasties is a reflection of the socio-economic inequalities in the country. And thesedynastic families, she said, are inherently wrong because they give a head start in

politics to members of the same family.The framers of the 1987 Constitution were seriously concerned about those politicaldynasties, too. So they included a provision in the Charter which mandated that theState shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service and prohibitpolitical dynasties as may be defined by law.Since then, many concerned persons have urged Congress to enact an Anti-DynastyLaw, but they all failed. There was strong resistance to the legislative proposals by


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politicians who, obviously, belonged to dynastic political families. Thats why the anti -political dynasty bills never reached even first base.Indeed, the issue of political dynasties is a very, very serious concern for our countryand people. It is a major issue that should be discussed in depth even before the 2013mid-term national elections.

And, unless this unhealthy political practice is not stopped, it could very well lead us toan oligarchy, and not to true democracy, in the Philippines!

***Quote of the Day:Give the people issues, and you will not have to sell your souls for

campaign funds. William E. Borah

Thought of the Day:A statesman thinks he belongs to the State, and a politician

thinks the State belongs to him.Anon.- See more at:http://www.malaya.com.ph/index.php/opinion/8643-noynoy-and-political-dynasties#sthash.svqFMCmP.dpuf

Political dynastiesHE RESULTS of the latest senatorial surveys indicate that the anti-political dynasty movement/s havent shown themselves to beeffective so far -- or at the very least, the results are mixed: whilesome members of political dynasties have moved down (e.g. Ejercito,Enrile, Zubiri) in the rankings, others have moved up (Angara, Aquino,Binay, Villar). In any case, it is clear that seven out of the 12candidates who are in the winners circle -- as of the beginning of thecampaign period, let us make it very clear, because things canchange in the 82 days between the end of the survey period (Feb. 17)and election day (May 13) -- are members of political dynasties. Sothere is still hope for the anti-political dynasty movement/s.

But just exactly what does one mean by "political dynasty?" As we all know, ourlegislature, which is mandated by the 1987 Constitution to provide a definition, hasrefused to do its duty for the past 25 years (which, parenthetically, raises the question: ifPNoy is ready to charge the Sultan of Sulu with violating the Constitution, shouldnt hecharge past and present members of the legislature for the same offense?).

There is, however, no dearth of possible definitions. For example, I consider as amember of a political dynasty a candidate for elective office who has the same name(related by blood) as an incumbent elective official. Under this definition, Grace PoeLlamanzares would not be considered a dynasty member, nor would Jun Magsaysay orTingTing Cojuangco.

The latest study (circa end-2011) on Philippine political dynasties, entitled "An Empirical
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Analysis of Political Dynasties in the 15th Philippine Congress" and authored by RolandU. Mendoza (AIM), Edsel Beja, Jr. (AdMU), Victor Venida (AdMU) and David Yap (AIMPolicy Center), provides four alternative definitions, with varying degrees ofrestrictiveness (note that since the study has to do with the 15th Congress, politicaldynasties which do not have a family member in the present Congress are not included

in the count).

Dynasty 1: The share of legislators in the 15th Congress with kinship links to at leastone legislator in the 12th, 13th, or 14th Congress. Under this definition, 37% of themembers of the 15th Congress would be considered as belonging to political dynasties.

Dynasty 2: The share of legislators in the 15th Congress with kinship links to at leastone legislator in the 12th, 13th, or 14th Congress, or at least one local governmentofficial elected in 2001, 2004 and 2007. Using this definition, 63% of the currentcongress belong to political dynasties.

Dynasty 3: The share of legislators in the 15th Congress with kinship links to at leastone legislator in the 12th, 13th,14th, or 15th Congress, or at least one local governmentofficial elected in 2001, 2004, 2007 or 2010. Under this definition, which is the leastrestrictive, 68% of the members of Congress would be part of dynasties.

Dynasty 0: The share of legislators in the 15th Congress with kinship links to at leastone legislator in the 12th, 13th, and 14th congress and at least one other legislator inthe 15th Congress as well as at least one local government official elected in 2001,2004, 2007, and 2010. Using this definition, 4% (10 members), which requires that toqualify, there must be at least two members of a family sitting at the same time inCongress, plus one other member who served as an elected local executive in fourconsecutive elections.

The results of this study, by the way, bear repeating, again and again, if necessary, untilthe public finally absorbs the message and can appreciate why anti-dynastymovement/s have been formed, and why they (the public) should seriously considerbeing part of such a movement, to counteract Congress intransigence in the matter.

The researchers found, for example, that dynasties, however defined, are genderneutral (same proportion of males as females). They also found that of the four largestpolitical parties in the current congress, the Nacionalista Party had the greatestpercentage of dynastic legislators for Dynasty 3, followed by Lakas Kampi (76%), NPC(74%) and finally the Liberal Party (57%). Note, Reader, that all the major parties arepredominantly dynastic. It may be some comfort that while 84% of legislators age 70and above are dynastic (under Dynasty 3), "only" 77% of those between 26-40 areconsidered so. But it is obvious that the younger generation of dynastic families arecontinuing the trend.

But the kicker, as far as dynasties are concerned, is the relationship between dynasties(Dynasty 3 definition) in the 15th Congress (and this has been found in earlier studies


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as well) and the socioeconomic outcomes in their areas of responsibility. First, the percapita incomes in dynasty-controlled districts are significantly lower (by 3,600) thanthose in non-dynastic ones. And second, the poverty incidence (24% vs. 19%), povertygap (6.18 vs. 4.93), and poverty severity (2.31 vs 1.86), are significantly higher indynastic districts than non-dynastic ones.

Moreover, there is an inverse relationship, at the provincial level, between averageincome and the proportion of dynastic representatives; a positive relationship betweenpoverty incidence and the proportion of dynastic representatives; a negative relationshipbetween a measure of human development and the proportion of dynasticrepresentatives.

No one is saying that dynasties cause poverty (in all its dimensions), or vice versa. Butwhy take the chance?

Latest Senatorial Magic 12 Survey: Political

Dynasties Very Much Alive!The names of the 2013 senatorial candidates reads like a who's who of politicaldynasties in the Philippines. And, not surprisingly, the members of such politicaldynasties have reached the 'Magic 12' senators based on the latest survey conductedby Pulse Asia.

Still topping the list of possible senatorial winners are Senators Loren Legarda and ChizEscudero. But coming in third is 'dynasty senator' Alan Peter Cayetano. He is followedby a new entry into the political dynasty arena - Nancy Binay.

What? Can someone please enlighten me on her qualifications aside from being thedaughter of Vice President Jejomar Binay, the daughter former Makati City mayorElenita Binay, the sister of Makati Congresswoman Abigail Binay and the sister ofcurrent Makati Mayor Jejomar Erwin Binay Jr.? (Pwedeng cast ng Ina, Kapatid, Anak -the reality version!)

Did I miss any more Binays in 'public service'? With the news that Jejomar Binay Sr.running for president in 2016, the Binay dynasty may well swell to unprecedentedproportions in the next elections. Who knows, the Binay maid may also run for a

barangay post in her hometown!

More names in the Magic 12 complete the reunion of the 'dynasty brotherhood' -Ejercito Estrada, Pimentel, Enrile, Villar, Zubiri (is his family still active in politics inBukidnon?) and Angara. The list goes on after the top 12 positions.

The elections are three months away. But this survey shows us the likely outcome in the


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senatorial race. There will be more jostling for places in the Magic 12, especially for thelast four slots, but it will be more or less the same political clans fighting it out.


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Political dynasties: cause or consequence?The approach of next years elections has refocused public attention on everyones bete noire political

dynasties. In both the popular press and the academic literature, dynasties are blamed as the root cause

of the problems plaguing the Philippine politics. This conventional wisdom has become so established

that a provision (Article II, Sec. 26) was included in the 1987 Constitution to prohibit political dynasties.

Public discussion now appears to suppose that the most important hindrance to political progress is

lawmakers failure to pass a statute to implement the constitutional prohibition of dynasties.

But are things really so simple? Political dynasties are merely symptoms, not the disease itself-like

pustules in a body politic afflicted with the plague. Lancing them will do little good.

To begin with, political dynasties are by no means unique to the Philippines, and examples in other

countries are not hard to find. Well-known US examples are the Kennedys and the Bushes, but also the

Tafts, the Rockefellers, and a whole Wikipedia list of others. (Indeed, the number of U.S. dynasties would

have been bigger if the US had electoral term limits and left their relatives more room to run after all

some US senators and representatives have been in power for more almost 60 years!)

In Japan, previous prime ministers Koizumi, Abe, and Fukuda as well many other less prominent namesare associated with political dynasties. India has the Nehru-Gandhis, Pakistan the Bhuttos and Sharifs.

And as a clincher, observed the well-entrenched tradition of princelings (offspring of early revolutionary

leaders) in China. The recently disgraced Bo Xilai was a prime example (being the son of Bo Yibo, one of

the eight immortals ofChinese politics). The incoming Chinese president, Xi Jinping, is himself a

princeling, son of the first-generation revolutionary and politician, Xi Zhongxun.

In short, dynasties also exist in other countries, where their presence is regarded as a sometimes

curious, sometimes annoying, feature of their politics. But rarely are they regarded as the primary

obstacle to political development, as the primordial cause of political immaturity. Wherein lies the

difference?

In most of these and other examples, political families and dynasties are not prohibited, but they are not

the principal vehicles for politics. Rather, dynasties are embedded in and subject to the larger discipline of

impersonal organizations, namely political parties or movements. While members of a dynasty may gain

some advantage, the fact itself seldom suffices to determine their successful election. They must still

compete for and answer to larger impersonal bodies and constituencies that at least ostensibly

subsume family ties, personal alliances, and ambitions to larger, overarching, problems.

Many countries have been lucky to have history itself lay down overarching issues as a natural basis for

inclusive mass-based parties: an independence struggle created Indias Congress party; wa rs of national

liberation forged the communist parties of China and Vietnam; serious ethnic grievances formed

Malaysias UMNO; and Japans defeat and drive for economic recovery provided a focus for the Liberal

Democratic Party. In each case mass loyalties could be forged for causes that were larger, more urgent,more compelling than an individual clans ambition. It made more sense, therefore, for clans, sects, and

tribes to join the larger movement as a means to gain power rather than to go it alone.

Not so for the Philippines, where historical conditions (too long to examine but relating mostly to peculiar

US-Philippine relations) made it unnecessary for the elite to form mass parties. In a sense, Philippine

elites have had it too easy. Their access to power depended not on the mobilization of masses for an

epic struggle but on idiosyncratic, often personalistic, accommodation with the occupier. Beyond the
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defeated Revolution, history did not providea need for elites to organize far beyond their family spheres

and personal cliques. As a result the parties they formed to this day have invariably been as

transient, superficial, and fickle as the individual egos around which they revolve. The exception that tests

the rule is the only impersonal mass party in Philippine history that has been mildly successful the

communist party in its various incarnations. Communist longevity is supported by the fact they have a

long-term cause whose realization entails significant difficulty and therefore demands organization. TheMILF and Moro identity are another example. The tragedy, of course, is that neither of these

organizations has thus far shown any interest in participating fully and openly in the current political

system.

Philippine politics, in short, is not broken because dynasties are strong; rather, dynasties are strong

because politics is broken. Douglass Norths distinction between organizations and institutions comes to

mind. Prohibiting dynasties merely prevents some organizations from playing. What we really need is a

change in the rules of the game, i.e., institutional change.

What then is to be done? The answer may seem paradoxical. It is perhaps time to make things difficult,

not for political dynasties but for political parties. What is urgently needed is not the prohibition of

dynasties but the tightening of rules in order to ensure commitment, enlarge the scope, and establish thelongevity of political parties. The problem, after all, is not in putting up political parties; it is putting up

parties of an adequate quality. For starters, a higher minimum number of registered members

numbering, say, in the hundreds of thousands might be required before parties are allowed to field

candidates. Significant evidence of party activity and organization in off-election years, large funds

deposited and held in government escrow, and a host of other conditions can be imposed to screen out

the frivolous, weed out the transient, and establish long-term commitment. A lesson from industrial

organization is important: difficult entry implies difficult exit, and it is the latter we desire. At the very least,

that should help ferret out the clowns and opportunists now exploiting the lax rules of the party-list

system. Ultimately, it may affect the behavior of the national parties as well.

The facial-feedback hypothesis in psychology (actually anticipated by Darwin) suggests that externallymoving the facial muscles associated with an emotion can enhance or even engender that emotion itself.

Stimulating your smile-muscles, for example, might actually make you happy. If history has been stingy in

providing us the material for genuine mass parties, then perhaps we might at least encourage their form,

in the hope that by doing so we might stimulate their substance.


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Philippines and Political DynastyPolitical Dynasty is common in Asian Countries, especially in countries like Philippines. A lot of Filipinosare doing their best to totally abolish political dynasty in the country, but there are politicians who seenothing wrong with it.What is political dynasty?It is defined as succession of government leadership from the same family. It may sound the same as themonarch government, but political dynasty has a totally different meaning. Is there something wrong withpolitical dynasty? If you are going to study article II section 26 1987 Philippine Constitution, it states thatthe state should have equal access to public service opportunities and it should prohibit the practice of

political dynasty. Hence, political dynasty goes against the state policy.However, a lot of government officials are not abiding with the law. As a matter of fact, in the Philippinesenate you will find siblings as well as father (outgoing senator) and son (running for senatorial position).Local government in the Philippines also appoints their relatives to different government positions. Theseare basically the symbols of Philippine Dynasty in the Philippines.Political clans in the Philippines indeed belong to a traditional group. The Philippines is stratified to socialstatus and power. The family where you belong also determines your place in the community. Asmentioned above, the campaign for prohibiting political dynasty is still on. But will it be successful? Theanswer to this question remains a mystery up until now.On the positive side, political dynasty has a positive effect in some places in the Philippines. Davao City isruled by the same clan and this has actually a positive effect on the city. Davao City is one of the livablecities not only in the Philippines, but as well as the world. Political dynasty is a very powerful political

trend and it has both negative and positive implications.

The War on PoliticalDynastiesThe hate on political dynasties is palpable. The question is always asked of politicians,

many of whom are scion of political families. Im sure Bam Aquino and Nancy Binay will

continue to have to answer their for or against, or try to spin the political dynasty

question. The question has popped up in the last few election. The 1987 Constitution ofcourse, ban, political dynasties. The caveat of course Congress should pass a law

activating it.

Since 1987, dynasties have risen. President Benigno S. Aquino III is the son of the first

President Aquino. And his father was a Senator of the Republic. The Aquinos have
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been prominent in the last 30 years of our Nations history, and the prominence has

brought them to politics.

The Aquinos arent the only ones. The Estradas, the Binays, the Cayaetanos, the

Rectos, the Villars, the Macapagal-Arroyos have thrived in the last 20 years or so.

Joseph Estrada was President. His son, Jingoy is a Senator. His wife, was for a time,

also Senator. His other children are in prominent positions in local government. Then

there are the Binays who have virtually ruled Makati since 1987. The Cayaetano

siblings are both in the Senate, and remain strong. The Marcoses too have survived

their post-1987 exile and now enjoy political power. And new generations of families are

on the rise. the Pacquiaos, for example are thriving politically. There are many more

such names, and families thriving in the local level. I should know. I know one or two of

them.

The point of course is not to vilify or make these names, and scion, heroes, but to point

out that many prominent names have risen in the past 30 years since the 1987

Constitution, supposedly, intended not for this to happen.

The hate against political families come in two dynamics. The first is knowing Power is

concentrated in a few hands. Which obviously, it has in the past half a century or so.

The second is the increasing frustration on the political bench. That the game is aboutname recall, and political branding. If this were a basketball game, the sports

commentator would call it, a shallow bench. And it is. Just look at the current line up of

Senators. Many of them household names even the ones who are in the bottom of

the barrel. Macedas, Cojuancos, Magsaysays fill up the list.

So our elections is like electing peerage. Peerage for those of you who are unfamiliar

with the term is the system of hereditary or honorary titles. For example, the Duke of

blah blah. the Baroness of so on, and so forth. The titles are created, and awarded by

the ruling monarch, and given to people.

The thinking goes on like this. We the People, being sovereign in the Philippines have

elected these people into their own peerages. So you have a virtual aristocracy.
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Now, I find the hate against political dynasties to be, misplaced. Bam Aquino, for

example, isnt the President, or former Senator Aquino, nor former President Cory

Aquino. Nancy Binay isnt the Vice President. Jack Enrile isnt Juan Ponce Enrile. They

should be judged by the merits of their campaign, their brains, their messaging or lack

thereof in any case just as any candidate should. They are scion of the families. If theydidnt have their last name are they still qualified to be Senator? Just because they

have their last name, does it mean, they have no right to run for public office? What if

they, are, the best qualified? Does this mean we dont get to hire them, just because

they are scion? Do you chop off your good hand, just because it touched manure?

My point is this. Blind hate to the idea of political dynasties is wrong.

Now, this isnt to say that those against political dynasties have no point.

They do. They do, a lot.

In fact, the whole idea of power not being concentrated on a few families isnt a wholly

bad idea. The problem of course, no one wants to break the cycle, or no one is

interested to break it, or no one has the entire picture in his or her head as to how to

break it.

Dont even bother asking the political families themselves to break the spell. Hey, would

you? In their place? Would you lift a finger to break the status quo?

I thought so.

Now, this whole idea of breaking political dynasties require foresight, and planning. It

would take years. The ingredients the potential of course are already in place. You

have the party-list system, which is, greatly imperfect, but could be the step in the right

direction. It would take someone with patience, and the determination to change the

political landscape. It would also mean having to win the hearts and minds of people

through different campaigns, and different races. Someone just needs to try and win

races. And after winning, govern properly to win again, and again, until pretty soon, we

do have a dynamic system in place. So many variables to the equation. It is a tall, and

nearly impossible order.


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The alternative of course is blind hate against political parties. Hate, in the words of

Master Yoda, leads to suffering. That, never ends well.

DYNASTIES

1The Art of Interviewing Cheche Lazaro-StyleThis was one of the many lectures I was dying to learn from.When I applied for the internship, I recall telling Maam Hera that I wanted to learn howMaam Cheche would interview people so well without the need for cue cards. Sheinterviewed so many people during her career, and oftentimes I wondered how shemanaged to formulate enough questions to suit a specific person without panicking orfearing for possible backlash on her part.

In fact, this was one of the many reasons why I had that desire to become a journalist.To quote how my mom would call it, I wanted to learn how to badger people, or coerce

them into giving out information. Currently, Im still going through the phase of relying onthe basic 5Ws and 1H to formulate my questions, plus occasionally extending some ofthe questions (albeit timidly, compared to how Maam Cheche would do it) in order toextend the time, but somehow, I know these arent enough. I know one has to delvedeeper into asking his or her interviewee(s) in order to know that person so well, but Ididnt know the right methods to do them.This is where Maam Boomas lecture the art of interviewing comes in handy. Thebasics of interviewing werent the only things that were tackled; there were variousfactors that we had to take into consideration, particularly handling interviews thatinvolved either highly controversial topics or extremely sensitive issues. What if you hadto interview, say for example, a politician who was accused of allegedly raping

someone, and you would want to press him (or her it can happen) on the details of theissue? Or what if you had to interview a victim of a calamity (which would further beexplained in the next chapter) or a witness of a crime?Protecting your sources is also important. Of course, if you want to get more informationout of people, you have to establish a good relationship with your contacts. Or, if not,you have to find some way to reach them. It all comes down to keeping a persons trustin you, lest you risk your credibility as a journalist as well.In the end, we learned it all comes down to one thing: checking the validity of yourinformation is the most crucial things to the career of a journalist. Anything we receive(be it from a piece of document or from an interviewees word of mouth, which canhappen if he or she is hiding something) may not always be reliable, and it is up to the

journalists to double and triple check whether every single piece of information wereceive is correct.* * *2 The InterviewNote: Most parts of this chapter come from the journal I wrote detailing ourexperiences in the matter, albeit edited, for the benefit of this entry.


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Needless to say, after a few small misunderstandings (which, when I come to think of it,can also happen in real life if Im not careful enough), all of my plans for the interviewexercise went down the drain.Both the interns and the production assistants had to go through the interview exercise,which involved having to interview certain people in what I would call risky situations.

Each of us had to pick a sheet of paper at random, which contained information on oursubjects, most of which were pretty controversial or sensitive. In my case, I had tointerview a 43-year old mother who lost both her house and her child from a storm, sothis meant going with a sensitive approach in my part.The challenge here was how in the world would we get information from our subjects,who we have barely known or researched about.I ended up going second, with Maam Macky acting as Aling Nene the 43 -year oldmother who lost her child. Since I barely knew my subject, I asked for her name andtried to think of ways to get information from her as nicely as I could.For starters, I asked how her husband dealt with the matter. She replied she didnt havea husband. I automatically asked if Aling Nene only had one child, since it really was

about her child. It turned out she had two children instead of one, which complicatedmatters (not to mention the questions I had in mind), since I automatically assumed thatshe had only one child who died, as what was written in my paper. So I tried to gothrough a different tactic, which was asking what happened to the other child. It turnedout both of her children died, and she lost everything since then. Then she proceeded toask for help while the camera was rolling, which brought even more confusion andanxiety in my part, since I knew journalists have to remain neutral in everything that wedo and by then, I didnt know how else to reply anymore. The bell rang, indicating that my time was up. Apart from the mix-up with the one childdetail, I suppose the lesson I would learn from this is that even the information given toyou might not also be reliable, so even then, one has to be ready for that and think onthe spot. I shouldnt have blacked out as well and made it obvious that I was cluelessabout my subject. I also learned later on that subjects who do ask for help while thecamera is rolling can be answered by letting them explain more what happened, so thatthey can receive better help from the proper authorities who may have listened to theirstory.Then again, this activity made me aware of the difficulties that can happen in an actualinterview, and this exercise was a good start for us to know how we should prepareourselves, in the event that it happens to us as well.* * *3 Political Dynasties: A Bigger PictureOur trip to the forum in Ateneo de Manila University was a good adventure in itself, nothaving walked around the campus itself, not including a few adventures with my Ateneofriends.Nonetheless, what was really important here was the shoot itself. The topic of the forumwas relevant to the Maguindanao background weve been looking up for quite a while,and the forum itself is something we needed for next weeks activity. Plus, UPI was

joined by other media aggregates like ABS-CBN, GMA and Rappler, who were alsothere to cover the event. This was the first time I got to experience this kind of shoot.


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With Camarines Sur Congressional Candidate Atty. Leni Robredo, ComelecCommissioner Rene Sarmiento, Masbate Gubernatorial Candidate Fr. Leo Casas and

Abra Mayoralty Candidate Bernadine Joson, the forum tackled the political system thatcontinues to persist in the Philippines. Using the Biblical characters David and Goliath tocompare todays political setting, the forum talked about how the Goliaths (the political

dynasties) continue to run for the sake of extending their power, and because of that,the Davids (the neophyte candidates) barely stand a chance against them. And withthat, there must be a way for candidates to run for the sake of public service, instead ofdoing so in order to protect their own personal interests.Much of this forum was interesting in my point of view, given that I have relatives whocome from political dynasties. From where I come from, political dynasties also continueto persist, and sadly, new candidates who try to run for the sake of making a change areunable to do so without being overpowered by those in power.* * *Overall, the entire week was pretty interesting for me. Everything went fine, and after allthat has happened lately, I cant wait for next weeks activi ty. Well, probably except for

the part where we have to view what weve done for the interview exercise (oops), butother than that, everything went well for the week.

Political Dynasties: The Bane of DemocracyByEditor

Political dynasties are here to stay whether you like it or not, unless, of course, ifYOU make a choice. Article II, Section 26 of the 1987 Philippine Constitutionprohibits the existence of political dynasties but because majority of thelawmakers are either scions or kingpins of a political clan, no one has the guts tostep up and perform a rare case of political suicide. Now, we are just left with twochoices: stand up for democracy and let corrupt political dynasties wither ontheir own or be lost forever in a bandwagon mentality that will only lead to anutter sociopolitical decadence.

How did all these political dynasties in the Philippines developed its almost undefeatedpolitical juggernaut status today? Back in 2004, a study made by Philippine Center forInvestigative Journalism (PCIJ) traced the emergence of dynasties in the Philippines tothe introduction by the Americans of electoral politics in the early 20th century, whenvoting was initially limited to property owners and the wealthy, who monopolized publicoffice. Since then, the ubiquity of these political dynasties was made even moreconcrete by the influential factors of money, machine, movies/media, alliances andother dirty tactics to stay in the ecstatic world of political power. The influence of politicaldynasties has slowly changed its image and eventually changed the shape and cultureof the House of Representatives and even the Senate, where creating politicaldynasties of considerable quantity has become more of a business strategy than of apublic service. A certain study, being prepared by the Asian Institute of ManagementPolicy Center (AIMPC), said seven out of every 15 legislators are members offamilies that are considered political dynasties. Just to make a brief breakdown, 115legislators (68 percent of Congress) belong to the Dynasty 3 category or those withrelatives who were legislators since the 12th Congress until the 15th Congress or local
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officials elected in 2001 or currently occupying elective posts. We all know who arethese people so dropping names will be a waste of our precious time. But just to give aface to political dynasties, lets take two of our most recent presidents as strongexamples. President Benigno Aquino, son of former President Corazon Aquino, tookover last year from Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, daughter of former President Diosdado

Macapagal. Can we technically proclaim that the whole nation is under the rule of apolitical dynasty? Sure. It has been part of our culture because as a family-orientedAsian nation, we always have the penchant to put our families first above anything else;no wonder political families are existent.

But if our politics has political dynasties as its own bread and butter, then why dont wejust let it that way and be complacent with the democratic powers bestowed upon thepeople?Well, the problem here is not the political dynasty per se but theprinciples that has fueled these political families over the years. And because ofrotten principles, they have transformed themselves into a social monster that usesdemocracy to destroy democracy itself. They have secretly robbed the innocent Filipino

people the power to choose the right public servant and the ability to create significantchanges in our society. Yes, we can tolerate political dynasties if they themselves cantolerate doing righteous and honest public service to the Filipino people, of whom theyowe their positions in the first place. However, its not the case in reality. Legislatorsbelonging to political dynasties tend to represent areas with lower per capita incomes,and higher and more intense poverty levels, the AIMPC said. Current members ofCongress, it said, tend to belong to richer families but have poorer constituentscompared with legislators that are not members of dynasties. The Ampatuans ofMaguindanao, which is one of the poorest provinces in the Philippines, must be aquintessential political clan under this category after being involved in a politicalmassacre last November 2009 that only intensifies certain claims that political dynastiesare nothing but a bane of our democracy. Certainly, there are few exceptions to thispolitical-dynasties-gone-bad phenomenon but they are not sufficient to debunk the long-standing reality that political dynasties have been established for ones own ambition tohave economic, political, and financial stability.

Its ironic that we live in a democratic country yet have been ruled by a select few whohave changed our country from a nation with a big potential for economic progress to aparasite republic that it is today. No one in the Congress will ever dare to put thelimelight to the Constitutional provision that clearly supports the notion that politicaldynasty is against the law, unless, if they all admit that they are guilty to the crime.Doing so is like performing euthanasia to a political set-up that has long been a sourceof survival for all of them.

But as a democratic country, we still have the voice , a voice that must not beoverwhelmed by political influences adept in vote-buying and creating false publicity.2013 Elections is on its way; its going to be either a time to change or a time to bestuck in a social coma. Political dynasties are here to say, but we still have thechoice. Choose democracy. Choose freedom.


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Political dynasties in the Philippines (1)By NESTOR MATAMALAYADynastic political families, numbering over 90, existed since the Spanish colonialtimes, flourished during the American and Japanese occupation up to the presentas an independent democratic republic.I have dwelt in five successive columns about political dynasties, which flourished in ourcountry since the Spanish colonial days, through the American and Japaneseoccupation years, and up to the present time as an independent democratic republic.

And, just like other political observers and savants in academe, I have defined themeaning of the term political dynasty and enumerated those political families all overthe Philippines from Aparri to Jolo.

This time I have selected the names of some prominent members of over 90 dynasticpolitical families, with the same surname, who are elected and repeatedly re-elected

from fathers and mothers to their sons and daughters, grandsons and granddaughters,great-grand and great-great grandchildren children, uncles and aunts, cousins and evenin-laws. Here then is the first of four lists of those dynasts, arranged alphabetically, sanstheir political party affiliations:

Abalos Family (Mandaluyong City): Benjamin Abalos, Sr., served as mayor, chairman ofthe Metro Manila Development Administration (MMDA) and chairman of theCommission on Elections (COMELEC). He was succeeded by his son Benjamin Abalosas city mayor, while another son Jonathan Abalos was city councilor, and brother

Arsenio Abalos was barangay captain and later city councilor.

Alonto-Adiong Family (Lanao del Sur and del Norte):Sultan Alauya Adiong Alonto, firstMuslim Senator and signatory to the 1935 Constitution; brother Datu Birua Alonto,mayor of Marawi City in 1938; son Domocao Alangadi Alonto, governor, congressmen,and senator from 1958 to 1961; son Abdul Ghaffur Alonto, governor of Lanao del Sur fortwo terms from 1960 to 1967; daughter Princess Tarhata Alonto-Lucman, governor,Lanao del Sur from 1970 to 1988; brother-in-law Rashid Lucman, congressman;nephew Mamintal Adiong, congressman and governor, Lanao del Sur; grandson

AbulKhayr Alonto, Speaker, ARMM; great-grandson Ansaruddin Alonto Adiong,Assembly and Regional Governor, ARMM; great-grandson Mamintal Alonto Adiong Jr.,governor, Lanao del Sur up the present; and other great-grandsons and nephews werecongressmen, mayors, and members of ARMM.

Angara Family (Aurora): Senator Edgardo Angara, since 1987 to the present, andcabinet Secretary from 1999 to 2001; and son Juan Edgardo Angara, congressmanfrom 2004 to the present, and running this time for the senate in 2013.

Arroyo Family (Negros Occidental): Jose Ma. Arroyo, former senator, grandfather ofJose Miguel Arroyo, former First Gentleman and husband of former President Gloria
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Macapagal Arroyo, now incumbent congresswoman of the 2nd District of Pampanga;their sons Party-list Congressman Juan Miguel Macapagal Arroyo, CongressmanDiosdado Macapagal Arroyo of Camarines Sur; Congressman Ignacio Arroyo, Jr.of the5th district of Negros Occidental, brother of Jose Miguel Arroyo; Party-listCongresswoman Maria Lourdes Arroyo congresswoman), sister of Jose Miguel

Arroyo.

Binay Family (Makati City): Vice President of the Philippines Jejomar Binay, formermayor of Makati from 1986 to 2010; wife Elinita Binay, mayor from 1998 to 2001; sonJejomar Erwin Binay, mayor of Makati since June 30, 2010; daughter Abby Binay,congresswoman of Makati city, and now running for the Senate in 2013.

Cayetano Family (Taguig): former Senator Rene Cayetano, his son Senator Alan PeterCayetano, whos running for reelection next year, and daughter Senator Pia Cayetano;daughter-in-law Ma. Laarni L. Cayetano,Taguig City Mayor; another son Lino Cayetano,barangay captain of Fort Bonifacio Taguig, and still another son Ren Ren Cayetano,

former councilor of Muntinlupa City.

Cojuangco Family (Tarlac): Melecio Cojuangco, former representative, 1st PhilippineAssembly; Eduardo Cojuangco Sr., former provincial governor; Eduardo Cojuangco Jr.,former congressman; Carlos Cojuangco, congressman and former town mayor);Congressman Marcos Cojuangco; Jose Pepe Cojuangco Sr., former Representative ofthe 10th Philippine Assembly, father of former President Corazon C. Aquino; JosePeping Cojuangco, Jr., former congressman; Ting-Ting Cojuangco, Undersecretaryfor Interior and Local Government, former provincial governor, and wife of Jose Jr.;former President Corazon Cojuangco; President Benigno Simeon Aquino III, 15thPresident of the Philippines; Mercedes Cojuangco-Teodoro, former assemblywoman ofthe Batasang Pambansa; Gilberto Teodoro, former congressman, former Secretary ofDepartment of National Defense, and son of Mercedes Cojuangco-Teodoro;Congresswoman Monica Louise P. Teodoro, wife of Gilbert Teodoro; and Mayor MiguelCojuangco Rivilla.

Dy Family (Isabela): Faustino Dy, Sr., former governor of Isabela, 19721992; BenjaminDy, former governor of Isabela, 19922001, Mayor of Cauayan, Isabela, 2010 to thepresent ; Faustino Dy, Jr., former governor of Isabela, 20012004; Faustino Dy, III,former mayor of Cauayan, Isabela, 19922001, congressman of Isabella, 20012010,and governor of Isabela, 2010 to the present; Cesar Dy, former mayor, Cauayan City;

Victor Dy, barangay chairman of San Fermin Cauayan City; Faustino Michael Carlos DyIII, mayor of San Manuel, Isabela; Krystyna Louise C. Dy, SK chairwomen of SanFermin, Cauayan City; and Napoleon S. Dy, member of the provincial board of Isabela3rd District.

Enrile Family (Cagayan):Alfonso Ponce Enrile, politician from Gonzaga, Cagayan; JuanPonce Enrile, son of Alfonso Ponce Enrile, whos Senate President and senator (1987-1992, 1995-2001, 2004-present, congressman from 1992-1995, assemblyman from


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1978-1986, cabinet minister from 1970-1986, and cabinet secretary from 1966-1970;Congressman Juan Jack Castaer Ponce Enrile, Jr., 2007-2010, and running for thesenate next year.

Escudero Family (Sorsogon): Manuel Escudero, former member of the Philippine

Assembly; Salvador Escudero Sr., former provincial governor, provincial legislativemember, town mayor and councilor; Salvador Escudero Jr., former town mayor andprovincial legislative member; Ramon Escudero, town councilor; Antonio Escudero Jr.,provincial vice governor; Salvador H. Escudero III, former secretary of agriculture,former assemblyman of the Batasang Pambansa, former deputy minister of Agricultureand Food, and former congressman; Senator Francis Chiz Escudero; and MayorOscar Escudero.

Estrada Family (San Juan City): Joseph E.Estrada, 13th President of the Philippines;former Senator Luisa Pimintel Estrada, wife of Joseph; Senator Jinggoy Estrada, son ofJoseph and Luisa; Congressman Joseph Victor Ejercito, son of former PresidentJoseph Ejercito Estrada, whos running for the senate next year; Mayor Guia Gomez ofSan Juan City, mother of Joseph Victor Ejercito; Emilio Ramon Ejercito III, former mayorof Pagsanjan, Laguna, Governor of Laguna, nephew of Joseph; Gary Estrada,provincial board member, Quezon Province, nephew of Joseph.

For 2nd time, SC junks petition toabolish political dynasties in PHLThe Supreme Court (SC) on Tuesday dismissed for the second time a petition seeking toabolish political dynasties in the Philippines.

The junked petition was filed last January 28 by first-time senatorial candidate and lawyerRicardo Penson, who asked the high tribunal to compel Congress to pass an enabling lawdefining a "political dynasty," as stipulated under Section 26 of the 1987 PhilippineConstitution.

Section 26 states: "The state shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for publicservice and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law."

Penson is president and CEO of Ausphil Tollways Corporation who formed a movementagainst political dynasty called, Krusada Kontra Dynasty (Crusade Against Dynasty).

In his petition, Penson said that the "political and economic life" of the country's 90 millionFilipinos "continue to be controlled and/or dictated upon by four political clan alliances,"namely the Lakas Families, the National People's Coalition Family, the Laban ngDemokratikong Pilipino (LDP) Family, and the Liberal Party Family.

He also cited a study by the Asian Institute of Management and Konrad Adenauer StiftungFoundation on political dynasties showing that 70 percent of jurisdiction-based members of


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Congress belong to political dynasties.

Earlier petition

Earlier the high court had dismissed a similar petition filed by Louis "Barok" Biraogo inOctober last year.

Biraogo's motion for reconsideration was likewise junked in January for lack of merit.

Like Penson, Biraogo, in his 26-page petition for mandamus, also cited Section 26, Article IIof the 1987 Constitution as basis for prohibiting political dynasties from running in elections.

Penson said the Supreme Court had previously ruled (Tatad vs. Sandiganbayan, et. al.) that"failure to perform a duty for a long period of time is both a violation of the right toprocedural and substantive due process."

Penson noted several bills on political dynasties have been filed but none has been enacted

so far.

"The introduction has thus become illusory and merely promotive of false hopes," he said.

He added that the non-passage of an enabling law against political dynasties has resultedin "an abrogation of their sacred duty, which unless remedied, the constitutional provisionwill continue to remain pure rhetoric and the noble objectives behind its institution merelyillusory."

Another pending petition

With the dismissal of Biraogo and Penson's respective petitions, the last petition againstpolitical dynasties that is pending with the high court is the one filed by a group led byformer Vice President Teofisto Guingona Jr.

He was joined in the petition by Dante Jimenez of the Volunteers Against Crime andCorruption, Leonard De Vera, Eduardo Bringas, Vicente Velasquez, and Raymundo Jarque.

The petitioners cited a bill against political dynasty introduced by then-Sen. Guingona in1987. The bill passed the Senate with 16 votes in favor, three opposition, and oneabstention.

"Congress [then] took no action on the bill passed by the Senate. The bill died in the House

of Representatives," the petitioners said.

The petitioners added it was "appalled by Congress' inaction... Every bill in Congressagainst political dynasties was stifled by congressional inaction."

A bill against political dynasty, filed by Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago, is pending beforethe Senate.


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A counterpart bill was filed by Rep. Teddy Casio at the House of Representatives. - VVP,GMA News

Dynasties in democracies: The political

side of inequalityRonald U Mendoza , 11 March 2012

Inequality in the worlds poorest countries is considered one of the main

barriers to development. But this column points out that the inequality is

about much more than the ber-rich and the destitute it is about access

to political power. This column looks at political dynasties, where leadership

is passed down through family ties, to see if these are a cause of the

persistent social and economic divides.

For those who care about such things, rising income inequality is consideredan obstacle for development. Indeed, numerous articles and studies havehelped elevate our understanding of this social issue as well as identify andsharpen various policies to bridge the growing income and developmentdivides between the ber-rich and the destitute (egAtkinson etal2011,Fernholz and Fernholz 2012, Galbraith 2011, Milanovic 2007, andRajan 2010).

Nevertheless, far less attention has been given to the mirror image of incomeinequality in the political sphere: political dynasties. The rise of electedofficials with extensive familial links to present and previous politicians inpower signals a growing inequality in access to power and political influence.That, in turn, could also affect the persistence and prevalence of social andeconomic divides.

Numerous politicians have since taken over the reins of power from their

family members (notably fathers and husbands) so that a few familiesdominate the top echelons of power in many democracies. A brief listincludes: President Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner (wife of former PresidentNestor Kirchner) in Argentina, Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra (sister offormer Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra) in Thailand, former PresidentGeorge W Bush (son of former President George HW Bush) in the United
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States, Prime Minister Najib Razak (son of former Prime Minister AbdulRazak) in Malaysia, and former President (now Congresswoman) GloriaMacapagal-Arroyo (daughter of former President Diosdado Macapagal ) in thePhilippines. The President of the Philippines, Benigno Noynoy Aquino, III, is

the scion of the Aquino clan. His mother is the very popular former PresidentCorazon Aquino and his father is former Senator Benigno Ninoy Aquino, Jr.

Dynastic leaders in line to the throne

Many other leaders appear to be pipelined for the top leadership positions in

their respective countries. These include Rajiv Gandhi, the son of formerIndian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who in turn was the daughter of Indias

first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. Another is Aung San Suu Kyi, the

Nobel laureate who is now running for Parliament in Myanmar. She is thedaughter of Aung San, whom many consider to be the founding father of theUnion of Burma.

In varying degrees, political dynasties can exist in any democracy regardlessof its structure, history, or the level of economic development of the country.Legislators and parliamentarians with dynastic links range from 6% in theUnited States to as high as 3740% in the Philippines and Mexico. In the caseof the Philippines, if we also consider familial links to local government units,

the figure reaches an amazing 70%. Roughly 80% of the youngest legislatorsin the Philippines also hail from dynastic political families.

Dynasties across democracies nevertheless differ in important ways. Duringthe period between 1996 and 2007, over 90% of Japanese politicians weremale and some 30% of the Japanese parliament was from political dynasties.Daughters are unlikely to form part of political dynasties in that country, aspower is often passed on to sons. A recent study noted that of over 120Japanese politicians described as dynastic, only 3 are women (Asako et

al2010). On the other hand, one study of political dynasties in the USCongress showed how dynasties helped to improve the gender balance in theUS Congress, by allowing more female legislators to get in via their familialties (Dal Bo et al2009).

The longer runway and the stationary bandit


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Former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore served for over threedecades and remains the worlds longest serving Prime Minister. Most were

not surprised when his eldest son, Lee Hsien Loong, eventually followed in hisfathers footsteps and took over the reins of power in 2004. Many credit the

Lee dynasty for the sustained and stable reform and development processthat have enabled Singapore to reach first world status today. Indeed someanalysts concede that the performance of a government official is a function ofthe security and longevity of his or her tenure in office. A famous theory byMancur Olson suggests that even less benign leaders with a secure hold onpower may behave like a stationary bandits, benefiting from their position yet

ensuring that growth and development nevertheless takes place in order tocontinue to secure their hold. A darker view suggests that the less-benevolentand less-scrupled would turn to wide-scale and more destructive pillaging ifgiven a short window of power.

There is really very little evidence to disprove either view. While Lee KuanYew and his family presided over the rapid development and industrialisationof Singapore, other leaders with similar long stints in power were not asbenign. Examples include Ferdinand Marcos, who served as President of thePhilippines and presided over a more than 20-year period which saw povertyalmost double; and the Duvalliers in Haiti (Papa Doc the father who wasPresident from 195771 and Baby Doc the son who was President from197186), whose widely known regimes of plunder and excess left the countryas the most indebted and least developed in Latin America.

Political inequality and poverty

Patterns of political dynasties in the Philippines offer a very sobering view ofwhat political inequality looks like. Our recent study of political dynasties in the15th Philippine House of Representatives during the 200307 period(seeMendoza et al2012) suggests that about 80% of dynastic legislatorsexperienced an increase in their net worth. About half of the sample did sowell that their asset growth beat the returns from investing in the PhilippinesStock Exchange. Political dynasties in the Philippine Congress also tend todominate the major political parties, comprising anywhere from 6080% ofeach of the major parties (see Figure 1).Figure 1. Political dynasties dominate the key Philippine political parties
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Source:Mendoza et al(2012).

Dynastic legislators are also richer, correcting for one non-dynastic outlier,

Congressman Manny Pacquiao, the world champion Filipino boxer who waselected to the Congress in 2010. Political dynasties win in elections by muchlarger margins of victory, and in recent years increased as a share of the totallegislators (see Figure 2).

Figure 2. Share of dynastic politicians in the Philippine Congress over time:Preliminary snapshot


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Source:Mendoza et al(2012).

Most troubling and this is the main link to the income inequality sidepolitical dynasties in the Philippines are located in regions with relativelyhigher poverty levels (about five percentage points higher poverty incidencecompared to districts with non-dynastic legislator incumbents). While thesefindings do not allow us to conclude causality, two competing explanationspaint a worrying picture. Either poor people continue to vote for politicaldynasties, or dynasties continue to frustrate poverty-reduction efforts. Neitherof these explanations is palatable for most of us who long to see developmentaccompany democracy.


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Theres nothing wrong with politicaldynasties, says Alan Cayetano

ByNorman BordadoraPhilippine Daily Inquirer1:56 am | Saturday, November 3rd, 2012

Its wrong, unfair to rail against political dynasties without identifying those who arecorrupt and who arent, reelectionist Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano told antidynastyadvocates.Cayetano has served in the same Senate with elder sister Pia since 2010, and could doso again in the next three years should he win a second six-year term in 2013.My advice to antidynasty advocates is to start identifying [corrupt political families]. Itswrong, unfair and it doesnt help when you say youre against all dynasties but whenyou are asked away from the cameras, youd identify which families are OK and which

are not, Cayetano said in a recent interview with reporters.If you have relatives in government and all of you are clean, isnt that better than beingthe only one in government from your family but youre quite corrupt? he added.

Equal opportunityCayetano said the bottom line issue on political dynasties was equal opportunity inwinning elections between those who have money and influence, and those who dont. So how do you create a system like that in the US where one Barack Obama becamepresident of the United States? Number one, theres the question of fund raising inelections. Number two, the real issue is whos corrupt and whos not? the senator said.Sen. Aquilino Koko Pimentel III, himself the son and namesake of a former senator,

and who chairs the Senate committee on electoral reforms, has said that his committeewill conduct hearings on the pending bill against political dynasties to define what apolitical dynasty is.

The necessary prohibitions called for in the Constitution would logically follow once apolitical dynasty has been defined, Pimentel said, adding that while the bill filed by Sen.Miriam Defensor-Santiago has no chance of passing in time for the 2013 election, itcould still be refiled in the next Congress.Massive cheatingPimentel himself would have shared the same Senate with his father, Aquilino Jr., hadhe been proclaimed senator immediately after the 2007 elections. But it was only in

2011 when Pimentel took his seat in the Senate after Juan Miguel Zubiri resignedfollowing reports of massive electoral cheating in Mindanao.Zubiri has denied any participation in the fraud that supposedly benefited his candidacy.The 2013 election is shaping up to be a free-for-all among the countrys politicalfamilies.President Aquinos cousin, Bam, is running for the Senate with the Liberal Party-ledruling coalition. The Presidents aunt by affinity, Tingting Cojuangco, is running with theUnited Nationalist Alliance (UNA).
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UNAs senatorial slate also includes Vice President Jejomar Binays daughter, Nancy;Senate President Juan Ponce Enriles son, Jackie; and Sen. Jinggoy Estradas half-brother, JV.

Senatorial bet files fresh plea vs

political dynastiesMARK MERUEAS, GMA NewsJanuary 28, 2013 2:55pm

A first-time senatorial candidate in the coming May elections has joined earlier petitionersseeking to abolish political dynasties in the Philippines.

In a 21-page petition for mandamus, lawyer Ricardo Penson asked the Supreme Court tocompel Congress to pass an enabling law defining what a "political dynasty" is, asstipulated under Section 26 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution.

Section 26 states: "The state shall guarantee equak access to opportunities for public

service and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law."

Penson is president and CEO of Ausphil Tollways Corporation who formed a movementagainst political dymasty called, Krusada Kontra Dynasty (Crusade Against Dynasty).

In his petition, Penson said that the "political and economic life" of the country's 90 millionFilipinos "continue to be controlled and/or dictated upon by four political clan alliances,"namely the Lakas Families, the National People's Coaltion Family, the Laban ngDemokratikong Pilipino (LDP) Family, and the Liberal Party Family.

He also cited a study by the Asian Institute of Management and Konrad Adenauer Stiftung

Foundation on political dynasties showing that 70 percent of jurisdiction-based members ofCongress belong to political dynasties.

Penson said the Supreme Court had previously ruled (Tatad vs. Sandiganbayan, et. al.) that"failure to perform a duty for a long period of time is both a violation of the right toprocedural andbsubstantuve due process."

Penson noted several bills on political dynasties have been filed but none has been enactedso far. "The introduction has thus become illusory and merely promotive of false hopes," hesaid.

He added that the non-passage of an enabling law against political dynasties has resulted

in "an abrogation of their sacred duty, which unless remedied, the constitutional provisionwill cobtinue to remain pure rhetoric and the noble objectives behind its institution merelyillusory."

Politicians who belong to prominent political clans, such as Representatives Juan EdgardoAngara and Joseph Victor Ejercito, have earlierdefended the existence of "politicaldynasties" in the Philippines.
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Ejercito, son of former President Joseph Estrada, said that Filipinos are already used tothe practice of children following the footsteps of their parents.

On the other hand, Angara, son of Sen. Edgardo Angara, said that having politicians of thesame blood brought gains to the country in some instances.

Both Angara and Ejercito are also seeking Senate seats in the May elections.

Consolidate petitions vs political dynasties

In a separate motion, Penson also asked the high court to consolidate his petition againstpolitical dynasties with a similar petition earlier filed by a group led by former Vice PresidentTeofisto Guingonaon October 25 last year.

Earlier this month, the Supreme Court junked a similar petition filed by Louis "Barok"Biraogo in October last year.

Biraogo, in his 26-page petition for mandamus, also cited Section 26, Article II of the 1987Constitution as basis for prohibiting political dynasties from running in elections.

Biraogo said the list of candidates for national and local government posts in the upcomingMay elections "is the best testament to the mockery Section 26, Article II of the 1987Constitution has been subjected to in the hands of political dynasties."

Among the so-called political dynasties he cited in his petition was the clan of PresidentBenigno Aquino III, whose cousin, Paolo Benigno "Bam" Aquino IV, and aunt, former TarlacGov. Margarita Cojuangco, are both running for senator.

Biraogo also cited the clan of Vice President Jejomar Binay, whose son, incumbent MakatiMayor Jejomar Erwin Binay, is running for reelection. Binay's daughters, Abigail and Nancy,are running for congresswoman and senator, respectively. RSJ, GMA News
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