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http://lap.sagepub.com/content/39/1/96The online version of this article can be found at:

DOI: 10.1177/0094582X11425333

2012 39: 96 originally published online 27 October 2011Latin American PerspectivesSteve Ellner

Morales, and Correa GovernmentsThe Distinguishing Features of Latin America's New Left in Power : The Chvez,

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96

Steve Ellner has taught economic history at the Universidad de Oriente in Puerto La Cruz,Venezuela, since 1977. He is a participating editor of Latin American Perspectivesand the authorof Rethinking Venezuelan Politics (2008) and Neoliberalismo y Anti-Neoliberalismo en Amrica Latina(2006). He thanks Miguel Tinker Salas for his careful reading of the manuscript at various stagesand for comments that greatly enhanced the quality of the work.

LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 182, Vol. 39 No. 1, January 2012 96-114DOI: 10.1177/0094582X11425333 2012 Latin American Perspectives

The Distinguishing Features of Latin AmericasNew Left in Power

The Chvez, Morales, and Correa Governments

bySteve Ellner

The governments of Hugo Chvez (Venezuela), Evo Morales (Bolivia), and Rafael Correa

(Ecuador) share strategies, policies, and discourses that contrast with those of the center-leftists in

power in Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay as well as the social democratic, socialist, and classical

populist experiences of the past. All three governments have triumphed at the polls with large

majorities, rely on the ongoing mobilization of their followers, and embrace radical democracy based

on a strong executive branch and direct popular participation in decision making as opposed to

corporatist mechanisms. The three governments have been characterized by steady radicalization,their movements consist of multiclass alliances, and their economic policies have diversified

commercial and technological relations. They have also established close ties with neighboring

center-left governments and have promoted unity arrangements in the continent to resolve political

disputes that exclude the United States. Their movements have fashioned a new narrative of

nationhood that links radical goals and nationalist sentiment with traditions of political and social

struggle.

Los gobiernos de Hugo Chvez (Venezuela), Evo Morales (Bolivia), y Rafael Correa (Ecuador)

han formulado estrategias, polticas y discursos similares que contrastan con los de los centro-

izquierdistas en el poder en Argentina, Brasil, y Uruguay como tambin experiencias social-

demcrata, socialista y populista clsica del pasado. Los tres gobiernos han triunfado en laselecciones con mayoras amplias, cuentan con las movilizaciones constantes de sus seguidores, y

abrazan el modelo de la democracia radical basado en una rama ejecutiva fuerte y la participacin

popular directa en la toma de decisiones, contrario a los mecanismos corporativistas. Los tres

gobiernos se han caracterizado por la continua radicalizacin, sus movimientos consisten en

alianzas multi-clasistas y sus polticas econmicas han diversificado las relaciones comerciales y

tecnolgicas. Tambin han establecido vnculos estrechos con los gobiernos centro-izquierdistas de

Amrica Latina y han promovido instancias de unidad en el continente para resolver disputas

polticas que excluyen a los Estados Unidos. Sus movimientos han creado un nuevo narrativo que

vincula las metas radicales y sentimientos nacionalistas con las tradiciones de luchas polticas y

sociales.

Keywords: New left, Chvez, Morales, Correa, Twenty-first-century socialism

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Ellner / LATIN AMERICAS NEW LEFT IN POWER 97

Most political analysts place the governments of Hugo Chvez (Venezuela),Evo Morales (Bolivia), and Rafael Correa (Ecuador) in the same category butwithout identifying their common characteristics. Since the publication ofCastaeda and Moraless Leftovers (2008), critics of the left have sought toovercome this shortcoming by characterizing the three presidents as populist

leftists as opposed to good leftists such as Brazils Luiz Incio (Lula) daSilva. According to Castaeda and Morales, the salient features of the populistleft are a radical discourse devoid of ideological substance, disrespect fordemocratic institutions, pronounced authoritarian tendencies, and vituperationagainst the United States that is designed to pay political dividends at theexpense of their nations economic interests.

At the other end of the political spectrum, the longtime political analystand activist Marta Harnecker has proclaimed the emergence of a new leftin Latin America represented by these three leaders. Harnecker associatesthe new left with the twenty-first-century socialism embraced by the three

presidents, while recognizing that both concepts are vague and will bedefined over time, largely through practice (Harnecker, 2010: 3550). Anotherexpression of the common thrust of the three governments was the call byPresident Chvez in late 2009 for the formation of a Fifth Internationalthat would constitute a new international movement in favor of radicalchange. The proposal sought to analyze and apply the novel experiences ofVenezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador, as well as other occurrences, in an effortto break with the traditions stemming from the previous four socialistinternationals.

These developments make clear the need to go beyond the rhetoric of

many of the lefts detractors and defenders and to examine the wide rangeof similarities in order to determine just how new the new left is. Onecommon feature of all three governments is the election of a constituentassembly at the outset of each presidency. All three governments came topower with an absolute majority of votes and counted on congressionalmajorities, advantages that facilitated a democratic approach to far-reachingchange. Other common characteristics include an emphasis on socialparticipation and incorporation over considerations of economic productivity,modifications of the Marxist notion of class, diversification of economicrelations, preference for radical democracy over liberal democracy, and thecelebration of national symbols.

This articles focus on a common model helps distinguish the threeexperiences from other ideologies and governments on the left in LatinAmerica. Castaeda, for instance, labels the Argentine governments of NstorKirchner and Cristina Fernndez as populist left and alleges that theirdiscourse and policies are as irresponsible as those of Chvez and Morales(2006: 3840). By examining the salient characteristics of the governments ofVenezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador, the article will test the accuracy of this broadcategorization. The analysis of novel features and approaches also helpsexplain the reservations and critical stands of traditional leftist organizationssuch as Communist parties and Trotskyist groups in the three nations. Finally,in spite of the close relations among the three governments and Cuba andpredictions that they will eventually replicate the Cuban model, the articlesheds light on fundamental differences between the paths to socialismfollowed in two distinct international settings, cold-war and postcold-war.


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98 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

THE RADICAL DEMOCRACY MODEL

The political model embraced by the three governments represents athorough break with the socialism of the past. One distinctive characteristic isthe frequency of electoral contests, including party primaries, recall elections,

and national referendums, which have been marked by high levels of voterturnout. The left in power has generally emerged triumphant, sometimes bymargins without precedent in the nations history. In April 1999, for example,88 percent of Venezuelan voters ratified the government-sponsoredreferendum in favor of a constituent assembly. Venezuelans reelected Chvezfor the second time in December 2007 with 63 percent, the highest for anypresidential candidate in the nations modern democratic period. Similarly,Morales received 64 percent of the vote in his bid for reelection in December2009 at the same time that his supporters garnered an unprecedented two-thirds majority in both houses of congress. Chvez and Morales also emerged

victorious in recall elections with 58 and 67 percent of the vote respectively.Finally, in all three nations an overwhelming majority of voters approvednew constitutions opposed by leading government adversaries.

These sizable majorities have provided the three governments with moreoptions for carrying out radical reform than were available to leftist presidentssuch as Salvador Allende, who reached power in 1970 with 36 percent of thevote, and the Sandinista Daniel Ortega, who returned to the presidency in2006 with 38 percent. Nevertheless, given the acute political tensions andextreme polarization in all three countries, the strategy of holding frequentelections as a means to affirm legitimacy has been risky, since any defeat

would provide a platform for an intransigent opposition.Another characteristic of political life in the three nations is the avoidance

of intense repression, although the opposition has accused the governments oflaying the foundations for dictatorial rule. Party competition in the context ofthe acute political conflict that characterizes the three countries contrasts withthe traditionally low level of tolerance on the part of fragile Third Worlddemocracies for disloyal oppositions. As a whole, government opponents inVenezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador represent a disloyal opposition which bydefinition questions the legitimacy of those in power. By refusing to supportvirtually any government initiative and accusing it of authoritarianism, theyseek to delegitimize the government. Moreover, at certain key junctures,important sectors of the opposition have been implicated in violent actionsthat other antigovernment organizations have failed to repudiate at the time.In the case of Venezuela, opposition leaders in 2004 openly advocated urban

foquista actions (known as la guarimba) that sought to create conditions ofungovernability. In Bolivia paramilitary groups tied to various governorsattacked pro-government mobilizations in 2008, blew up gas pipelines toBrazil, and destroyed government offices in the eastern lowland region.

Another distinguishing political feature of the three governments is theirdefense of radical democracy in the tradition of Jean-Jacques Rousseau andrejection of many of the basic precepts of liberal democracy. Radical democracyemphasizes social incorporation and direct participation. In contrast, liberal

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democracy, with its central concern for the rights and prerogatives of minorities(which is often synonymous with elites), places a premium on the system ofchecks and balances and the diffusion of authority. The coexistence of thesetwo distinct paradigms has contributed to intense polarization and explainswhy the opposition has questioned the three governments democratic

credentials (Curato, 2010: 3638).The differences between the two approaches have manifested themselves in

concrete ways. In the first place, radical democracy champions the principleof majority rule, in which decision making on all matters requires 50 percentof the vote plus one. In contrast, the concern for minority rights of advocates ofliberal democracy leads them to insist on consensus among the governingparties and the opposition on important decisions. Indeed, the opposition inall three countries has praised the pacted democracy that in Venezuela andBolivia prevailed under the old regime (Smith, 2009: 108109).

In addition, the defenders of liberal democracy often demand significantly

more than a simple majority for the approval of legislation. The clash betweenthe two concepts occurred at the constituent assembly in Bolivia in 2006, whenthe opposition demanded that the vote of two-thirds of the delegates berequired for approval of each article of the constitution as well as the finaldocument. After seven months of resistance to the notion of providing theminority with a veto, Moraless Movimiento al Socialismo (Movementtoward SocialismMAS) accepted the two-thirds arrangement. Nevertheless,the MASs position on the matter led it to take advantage of a temporary

boycott of the assembly by the two main opposition parties to ratify theconstitution in December 2007 with the support of a simple majority of the

delegates, who represented two-thirds of those in attendance that day. FormerPresident Jorge Quiroga, who headed the main opposition party, called themove a national disgrace at the same time that violence broke out throughoutthe nation. In Ecuador, Correa insisted that a simple majority of the delegatesto the constituent assembly be sufficient to approve articles rather than a two-thirds majority, a requirement that he claimed would have obstructedmeaningful change (Conaghan, 2008: 5657). Similarly, the Venezuelanopposition harshly criticized the Chvez-dominated National Assembly forstipulating that appointment of Supreme Court judges require the approval ofa simple majority of the chambers deputies rather than two-thirds (Hawkins,2010: 22).

The system of referendums and recall elections incorporated into theconstitutions of all three countries is also in line with the concept of majorityrule, which is a basic component of radical democracy. In Bolivia andVenezuela the recall has proved to be an effective mechanism for dealing withcrises by moving the locus of political confrontation from the streets to theelectoral arena. In Venezuela, the presidential recall election in August 2004served to defuse tensions dating back to the 2002 coup and ushered in severalyears of relative stability. In Bolivia, Morales appealed to voting majorities inthe face of insurgency by holding recall elections in August 2008 for thenational executive and the nations governorships, some of which had beenpromoting violence.

The opposition in all three countries, as well as many political analysts, hascalled the referendums examples of plebiscitary democracy. According to


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this model, the national executive frames issues in accordance with its ownagenda without input from the opposition and the public is presented with anall-or-nothing proposition. Government adversaries in Venezuela, forinstance, lashed out at Chvezs proposed constitutional reform for beingprocedurally flawed. They argued that most of its 69 articles should have been

incorporated into legislation to be considered by the national assembly on anindividual basis rather than voted on as part of a package in a nationalreferendum. In Ecuador, both the opposition and some political analystsaccused Correa of promoting plebiscitary democracy on the ground that hepresented the referendum on the nations new constitution in April 2007 as avote of confidence in his government and threatened to go home if he lost(Conaghan, 2008: 4647).

In the second place, popular mobilization and participation on a mass scaleand an ongoing basis (viewed with suspicion by defenders of liberaldemocracy) are basic features of radical democracy and have proved essential

for the political survival of all three presidents. Social movement protestspaved the way for the rise to power of Morales and Correa (as well as NstorKirchner in the case of Argentina). The endorsement of Correa by the powerfulConfederacin de Nacionalidades Indgenes del Ecuador and other socialmovements sealed his triumph in the second round of the presidential electionof 2006. In Venezuela, the rallying of massive numbers of poor people on April13, 2002, made possible Chvezs return to power after his ouster two days

before.In both Venezuela and Bolivia the mobilization of government supporters

was designed to guarantee order in the face of opposition insurgency. Thus,

for instance, the concentration of Chavistas in downtown Caracas on the dayof the April 2002 coup was intended to serve as a buffer between violentmembers of the opposition and the presidential palace, and during the two-month general strike beginning in December brigades consisting of membersof surrounding communities protected oil installations. In Bolivia, peasantsand miners converged on the city of Sucre to ensure the personal safety ofconstituent assembly delegates, who faced threats from paramilitary units

before the final vote on the new constitution. Finally, on September 30, 2010,thousands of Ecuadorians took to the streets and deterred the possibledeployment of military forces in support of coup rebels who had virtuallykidnapped President Correa.

In the third place, Chvez, Morales, and Correa are charismatic leaderswhose governments have strengthened the executive branch at the expense ofcorporatist institutions and the checks and balances that underpinned liberaldemocracy in the past. Furthermore, the three governments favor theincorporation and direct participation of the nonprivileged over corporatistmechanisms and political party prerogatives and in doing so have brokenwith long-standing practices, accepted by some leftist parties, which facilitatedelite input in decision making (Dominguez, 2008: 50). Along these lines, thegoverning leaders in all three countries reject the Leninist party structure andinstead favor, in the words of Bolivian Vice President lvaro Garca Linera, amore flexible and fluid model (2010: 32). Finally, the governing politicalparties lack the influence, strength, and independence to serve as checks onexecutive authority. Thus, for instance, the governing Partido Socialista Unido


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de Venezuela is largely controlled by cabinet ministers at the regional leveland by Chavista governors and mayors at the local level. Correas politicalorganization, the Alianza Pas, founded by about a dozen groups shortly priorto his election in 2006, is too heterogeneous to wield significant power.

Some government supporters justify the preponderant role of the national

executive by claiming that the president maintains a dialectic exchange withthe general population in which he formulates positions and then modifiesthem after receiving feedback from below (Raby, 2006: 100, 190191; see alsoLaclau, 1978: 228238). The opposition has responded to the centralization ofpower by raising the banner of decentralization and (in the case of Boliviaseastern lowland departments and in the state of Guayas in Ecuador) territorialautonomy.

The political model that has emerged in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador isunique in fundamental ways that clearly differentiate it from both communistnations and social democratic ones. On the one hand, the electoral democracy

and party competition that prevail in the three nations are the antithesis of theclosed political system of really existing socialism. In addition, in contrastto the situation in the Soviet Union and China, none of the three had any close-knit vanguard party in the Leninist tradition (or powerful political party ofany type) that played a central role both before and after reaching power. Atthe same time, the confrontational discourse of the leftists in power, theintensity of political conflict, and the acute social and political polarizationand steady radicalization have no equivalents among nations in Europe andAfrica governed by parties committed to democratic socialism. Finally, popularparticipation in social programs and political mobilization in favor of the

governing leadership in such massive numbers and over such an extendedperiod of time have rarely been matched in other Latin American nations(Ellner, 2011: 422423).

The emerging hybrid model, combining dimensions of radical democracyand the representative democracy inherited from the past, is also in manyways sui generis. Features associated with radical democracy include referen-dums, party primaries, frequent elections, numerous public works projectsundertaken by community councils, an active role for social movements in thepolitical life of the nation, a strong national executive, and an official discourseexalting direct participation and attacking the representative democracy of thepast. Nevertheless, the old system and structures have not been dismantled.Even though in Venezuela the specter of community councils displacing theelected municipal government has been raised, representative institutions atall levels have been left largely intact in the three nations.

THE PROCESS OF RADICALIZATION

The electoral platforms of Chvez, Morales, and Correa in their first suc-cessful bids for the presidency deemphasized far-reaching socioeconomictransformation and focused on more moderate goals. Their principal cam-paign offer was the convening of a constituent assembly in order to refoundthe nations democracy on the basis of popular participation. During his


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campaign in 1998, for instance, Chvez calmed fears regarding a possible uni-lateral moratorium on the foreign debt by calling for a negotiated solution. Inthe period prior to his election in 2005, Morales toned down the radicaldemands on coca cultivation and hydrocarbon nationalization that had beenformulated by the social movements of the 1990s from which the MAS

emerged as he reached out beyond his regional base of northern Cochabamba(Crabtree, 2008: 9597). Prior to embracing communitarian socialism, Presi-dent Morales and Vice President Garca Linera defended Andean capital-ism, which was to prevail for a century. Correa, for his part, in 2006 criticizedhuman rights violations in Colombia but pledged to capture the FuerzasArmadas Revolucionarias de Colombia guerrillas and turn them over to theColombian authorities, denied that he was part of Chvezs Bolivarian move-ment even though he was a friend of the Venezuelan president, and criticizedthe dollarization of the Ecuadorian economy while claiming that changing thesystem was infeasible.

The three presidencies have been characterized by gradual but steady radi-calization unencumbered by the concessions associated with the consensuspolitics and liberal democracy of previous years (Katz, 2008: 103106). Allthree have parlayed the widespread popular support for their initial constitu-tional proposals into consolidation of power and political and economic reno-vation. In general, they have taken advantage of the momentum created byeach political victory to introduce reforms designed to deepen the process ofchange. They have also interpreted their electoral triumphs as popular man-dates in favor of socialism. In Venezuela, Chvezs decrees of land reform andstate control of mixed companies in the oil industry in 2001, his redefinition of

private property in 2005, and his expropriation of companies in strategic sec-tors in 2007 and 2008 set the stage for more radical steps (Ellner, 2008: 109131).In a surprisingly confrontational move just months after taking office, Moralesordered troops to take over 56 natural gas installations and the nations twomajor oil refineries in order to pressure foreign companies to accept newnationalistic legislation. In the months after his election, Correa radicalized hisposition on the proposed constituent assembly by insisting that it had theright to dissolve congress, thus placing himself on a collision course withthe congressional majority that represented the traditional political elite. Thedynamic of initial moderation followed by a gradual deepening process dif-fered from that of the Soviet Union and China, where communist parties cameto power with explicit far-reaching structural goals stemming from Marxistideology, and Cuba, where radicalization occurred at a more accelerated paceduring the first three years of the revolution.

The governing left has raised the banner of anti-neoliberalism and was thusin an advantageous position vis--vis the opposition to its right, which haslacked a well-defined program to dispel fears that its assumption of powerwould signify a return to the past. A major issue of differentiation between thegovernment and its adversaries to its right is privatization. While the leftistsin power affirmed their anti-neoliberal credentials by largely halting andreversing privatization schemes, the major parties of the opposition tookambiguous positions or no position at all on the matter. Political polarization,in which all parties to the right of the government converged in criticizing


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virtually all of its actions, ruled out critical support for nationalist measuresfrom a center-left perspective and in so doing hurt the opposition, which for-feited space on the left end of the political spectrum. In Venezuela, for instance,former leftist parties such as the Movimiento al Socialismo, Causa R, andPodemos abandoned any semblance of an independent line within the anti-

Chavista bloc as they blended in with the rest of the opposition. Similarly, inEcuador the social democratic Izquierda Democrtica (ID), which had sup-ported Correa in the second round of the 2006 elections, assumed a positionof intransigent opposition by his second term in office.1

At the same time, the gradual approach to socialism pursued by all threegovernments has drawn harsh criticism from political actors to their left whoconsider the state bourgeois and favor a complete break with the past. Theclash between the three leftist governments and their leftist critics has alsodefined the specificity of the emerging new left in power. The defenders of thethree governments envision a gradual transformation of the state in accor-

dance with Gramscis war of position based on the lefts incremental occu-pation of spaces in the public sphere. According to this strategy, the left takesadvantage of the presence of its activists in public administration and of thestates own internal contradictions (Bilbao, 2008: 136137; Geddes, 2010). Incontrast, orthodox Marxists such as the Trotskyists invoke Lenins dictumregarding the need to smash the state at the same time that they advocate

blanket expropriation of banking, large agricultural estates, and monopolyindustry (Woods, 2008: 251252). In addition, Communists and other tradi-tional leftists criticize the term twenty-first-century socialism for belittlingthe struggles led by leftists over the previous century.

Some critics located to the left of all three governments come out of an anar-chist tradition. They posit that the constituent power, consisting of autono-mous social movements and the rank and file in general, inevitably confrontsthe constituted power, made up of the state bureaucracy in its entirety andthe political class, and call for a revolution within the revolution in orderto root out bureaucratic privileges. This position finds expression in theindigenous-based movements in Bolivia and Ecuador, which defend theautonomy of their communities and have resisted Moraless and Correasefforts to promote large-scale mining activity that threatens to devastate theareas where their members reside. Some of the movements have embraced anidentity politics that is at odds with the electoral strategy followed by theleftists in power (Crabtree, 2008: 9394; Dosh and Kligerman, 2009: 21).Among the indigenous leaders critical of the government on a wide range ofissues including cultural identity was Bolivian presidential candidate FelipeQuispe, who fervently opposed Moraless limitations on coca production andadvocated complete nationalization of the hydrocarbon industry.

When they are placed alongside the orthodox Marxist, neo-anarchist, andnew-social-movement currents on the left, the unique and heterodox characterof the three presidents and their closest supporters becomes evident. Theyrecognize that bureaucrats who put the brakes on change are well repre-sented in the state sphere but stop short of initiating an all-out purge andupheaval along the lines of the Chinese Cultural Revolution, as is advocated


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by political actors to their left. Furthermore, they promote the creation of abroad-based, highly diversified movement, place a premium on unity amongsupporters, and defend vertical as well as horizontal decision making.

FOREIGN RELATIONS

The strategy pursued by all three governments in favor of a multipolarworld resembles in some ways and contrasts in others with the foreignpolicies of governments committed to socialism in the twentieth century. Themultipolar world was originally invoked by Chvez at the outset of hispresidency as a euphemism for anti-imperialism and opposition to U.S. hege-mony. The concept refers to the strengthening of different blocs of nations todefend shared interests such as the Organization of Petroleum ExportingCountries in the case of Venezuela and Ecuador and UNASUR (grouping all

South American nations around common goals), of which Correa becamepresident shortly after its founding in 2009. The strategy of unity in spite ofdiversity recalls the Non-Aligned Movement headed by Josip Broz Tito,

Jawaharlal Nehru, Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Kwame Nkrumah in the early1960s, which sought to go beyond ethnic, religious, and political differencesin order to unite the nations of the South around common objectives anddemands.

In essence, Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador have followed a dual approachof uniting among themselves in the Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos deNuestra Amrica (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our AmericaALBA)

at the same time that they have played active and leading roles in promotingbroader continental unity. In this sense, their strategy is comparable to thecold war foreign policy of the Soviet Union, which distinguished between itsclosest allies, committed to communism, and Third World governments ofnational liberation, which it considered nationalistic and anti-imperialist.Similarly, the presidents of Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador declare them-selves anticapitalist and have often clashed with Washington but also act inunison with moderate governments such as Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, andParaguay.

Nevertheless, the situation in the initial years of the twenty-first centurycontrasts with the highly polarized setting of the cold war and is conducive toa greater degree of autonomy for Latin American nations vis--vis the UnitedStates (Hershberg, 2010: 241). Thus, in contrast with Cuba in the 1960s, theradical Latin American nations have been able to cement close ties with themoderates. Whereas Chvez courts the heads of state of Brazil, Argentina,Uruguay, and Paraguay (French, 2010: 4851), Cuba promoted guerrilla war-fare throughout the continent and in doing so forfeited the possibility of win-ning over or neutralizing moderate presidents such as Arturo Frondizi ofArgentina (Ellner, 2008: 62).

Latin America was never united during the past century to the degree thatit has been in the recent past. Moderate governments have acted firmly toavoid the destabilization and isolation of the countries run by radicals. Thegovernments of Brazil and Argentina, for instance, helped mediate an end to


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the acute conflict generated by Moraless nationalization of the hydrocarbonindustry in 2006, even though their economic interests were at stake. Subse-quently, all 12 UNASUR members signed the Moneda Declaration, which

blocked possible plans to topple the Morales governments in Bolivia in 2008,and two years later played a similar role in the face of an attempted coup in

Ecuador. Furthermore, the positions of the radicals have been complementaryrather than antithetical to those of the moderates. Thus, for example, for thefirst year and a half following the Honduran coup of June 2009, UNASURsmoderates and radicals blocked the new governments readmission into theOrganization of American States. While the moderates placed conditions onentrance, the radicals questioned the very legitimacy of the new government(interview, Jorge Valero, New York, March 10, 2011). Finally, Latin Americanunity has brought the radical and moderate presidents together with centristones around common pursuits such as the creation of UNASUR and its

broader-based successor the Community of Latin American and Caribbean

States.The discourse and content of the foreign policies of all three presidents are

shaped by the imperatives of globalization (Arditi, 2010: 145147). They arealso free of the goals of absolute self-sufficiency and autarky that character-ized Maoism half a century ago. Programs like ALBA and Petrocaribe (whichoffers Venezuelan oil to Caribbean and Central American nations on specialterms) are justified along these lines. Furthermore, globalization has createdconstraints that influence international policy, the fiery nationalistic rhetoric ofall three presidents notwithstanding. Chvez, for instance, has refrained fromdefaulting on foreign loan payments or withdrawing from the International

Monetary Fund, while Morales has, in the words of the editors of a recentstudy on the Latin American left, tried to maintain access to U.S. markets(Madrid, Hunter, and Weyland, 2010: 156157). The thrust of these strategies,policies, and discourses is at odds with the socialism in one country thesisdefended by the Soviet leadership under Stalin.

DISCOURSE AND POLITICAL VISION

Since 2005, Venezuelan, Bolivian, and Ecuadorian leaders have espousedsupport for an alternative to capitalism embodied in the general concept ofsocialism for the twenty-first century. Following the ratification of Boliviasnew constitution in January 2009, Morales proclaimed the birth of a commu-nitarian socialism underpinned by the regional autonomy promoted by the newdocument. Morales, Chvez, and Correa have proposed adapting socialism tothe concrete reality of Latin America at a time when the conventional wisdomin the West is that this model is all but dead.

In sharp contrast to the socialist trajectory of Cuba after 1959, the politicalprocess in Bolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela is unfolding in the context of a

bourgeois democratic society in which capitalist relations of production arestill the dominant mode of economic activity. Bolivias Vice President GarcaLinera, for instance, has stated that socialism does not preclude the existenceof a market economy and favors dialogue with those who do not share theMASs long-term structural goals (Postero, 2010: 2728), while Chvez has


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Catholic. It does not contradict my faith, which, on the contrary, reinforces thesearch for social justice (Correa, 20092010).

Twenty-first-century socialism draws inspiration from the history, politicalpractices, and sociocultural experiences of Latin America. As did the radicalpopulism of the past, twenty-first-century socialism celebrates the popular

will as personified by historical symbols to a greater extent than traditionalleftist and social democratic parties, which have tended to be more selectiveand inclined to rely on imported slogans (in what was in many ways a missedopportunity for them). Chvez and the Chavistas, for instance, are willing tooverlook the contradictions of nineteenth-century and early- twentieth-centurycaudillos such as Cipriano Castro in order to glorify them and emphasize theirnationalist behavior, much as the Peronistas reinterpreted Juan ManuelRosas and Juan Facundo Quiroga (Raby, 2006: 112121, 231; Ellner, 1999:130131).

Leaders in all three nations have created a new narrative of nationhood that

challenges long-held assumptions and previous representations of culture,history, race, gender, citizenship, and identity. Thus, the new political move-ments offer an alternative reading of the past that challenges the conventionalwisdom that legitimized the old order. This dynamic process links contempo-rary social movements and political forces to a tradition of political and socialstruggle. Reenvisioning the past serves to incorporate previously marginal-ized peoples, including the indigenous, the Afro-descendent, peasants,women, and workers who historically struggled to change social conditions inBolivia, Ecuador, and Venezuela. The indigenous movements in Bolivia seethemselves as inheritors of the mass movements led by Tupac Katari and

Tupac Amaru against Spanish colonial authorities. By forging connectionsbetween past and current struggles, these movements build on a legacy ofresistance previously excluded from the official historical record. The process,which is described among Bolivias Aymara as walking ahead while looking

back, incorporates historically marginalized voices and creates a sense ofempowerment among those contemporary forces engaged in the process ofsocial change (Hylton and Thompson, 2007: 149). When Morales announcedthe nationalization of Bolivian gas on May 1, 2006, he explicitly drew inspira-tion from the past, insisting that the struggles of our ancestors like TupacKatari, Tupac Amaru, Bartolina Sisa . . . were not in vain (Hylton and Thompson,2007: 131).

The intellectual tenets of twenty-first-century socialism can be found in theworks of the Peruvian intellectual Jos Carlos Maritegui, which are fre-quently cited by Chvez and other pro-government leaders in the threenations. Maritegui proposed an Indo-American socialism adapted to thesocial and political reality of the continent. While pointing to the importanceof the working class, he called for the incorporation of indigenous and ruralcommunities as part of the broader class and national struggle. Along theselines, he argued that the indigenous heritage of collectivism dating back priorto the Spanish conquest would facilitate socialist construction under a revolu-tionary government. He also recognized the interrelation between race andclass in an economic system inherited from the colonial experience and theimportance of creating a broad front with which to confront the forces ofcapital (Maritegui, 1970: 9, 3848).


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In all three countries there is also an effort under way to incorporatewomen, traditionally overlooked by male-dominated historical accounts. As aresult, womens role in the independence process, their contributions to thesocial and political struggles of the nineteenth century, and their participationin the labor and political struggles of the twentieth century have been high-

lighted. In Ecuador, as part of a process dating back several decades, the inde-pendence leader Manuela Senz has undergone a reassessment and emergedas an important figure in her own right and not simply for her relations withSimn Bolvar. Her contributions to the South American independence move-ments, including her courageous actions at the Battles of Pichincha and Aya-cucho, where she acquired the rank of colonel, have earned her the admirationof various social movements. Similarly, Bartolina Sisa, who led an indigenousrebellion in La Paz in 1781 that served as inspiration for the establishment in1983 of the International Day of Indigenous Women celebrated on September5, has in the twenty-first century become even more revered. The cases of

Senz and Sisa, one criollaand the other indigenous, symbolize the incorpora-tion of large numbers of women in the social struggles taking place in theregion.

In Venezuela, Hugo Chvez and his followers have called into question thetraditional representations of Venezuelan history and its most dominant fig-ure, Simn Bolvar. The new political discourse has created a space in whichscholars and others have celebrated the role of criollo elites such as FranciscoMiranda, Andres Bello, and Simn Rodrguez while giving increased empha-sis to others who asserted equality of the races. Among the latter areel Negro Miguel, who led a rebellion in Bura in the state of Lara, the Afro-

Venezuelans Juan Andrs Lpez del Rosario (Andresote) and Jos LeonardoChirinos, who headed uprisings against the Spanish in 1730 and 1795 respec-tively, and Manuel Gual and Jos Espaa, who conspired against Spain in1797. Bolvars views are now a source of public discussion concerning thepast and present course of Venezuelan politics and society. His divergentopinions on democracy, race, international relations, social conditions, andpublic policy serve to bolster positions taken by both the government and theopposition.

SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DIMENSIONS

The social and economic conditions that paved the way for the leftsassumption of power in the three countries did not accord with the orthodoxMarxist vision of a socialist revolution. In contrast to what Marxist theorypredicts, the organized working class did not constitute the vanguard or themajor driving social force in the confrontations leading up to the lefts acces-sion to power. Nonproletarian underprivileged classes played leading rolesand belonged to powerful social movements in the case of Bolivia and Ecua-dor, while in Venezuela they participated in the disruptions that shook thenation in February 1989.2In urban areas, they included workers in the infor-mal economy and unorganized ones employed by small firms in the formaleconomy. These sectors were marginalized and semi-marginalized in thatthe political and cultural elite had long ignored them and they lacked


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representation at the national level as well as the benefits of collective bar-gaining agreements and (in some cases) labor legislation. The social upheavalsin the years prior to the lefts initial electoral triumphs help explain the moreradical course of events in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador as compared withBrazil and Uruguay under moderate governments.

Neoliberal policies and globalization-induced structural changes in the1980s and 1990s fueled the growth of the informal economy and weakened thelabor movement, whose struggles in the workplace were overshadowed bysocial movement activism and mass disturbances. The Bolivian mining workersFederacin Sindical de Trabajadores Mineros and the COB, with a long historyof independent, militant unionism largely unmatched in the continent, wereweakened by the phasing out of state-controlled enterprises and the atomiza-tion of the labor force under neoliberal governments beginning in the mid-1980s (Kohl and Farthing, 2006: 125). In Venezuela, the Confederacin deTrabajadores de Venezuela not only endorsed neoliberal-inspired labor legis-

lation in 1997 but helped draft it and then went on to organize general strikesfrom 2001 to 2003 in conjunction with the nations main business organizationin an attempt to oust President Chvez (Murillo, 2001: 6264).

Chvez reacted to organized labors submissiveness and resistance tochange by questioning the Marxist insistence on working-class primacy in therevolutionary process (Blanco Muoz, 1998: 392393) (although more recentlyhe has modified his position). Theoreticians of twenty-first-century socialismflatly reject orthodox Marxisms cult of the proletariat, a privileging wherebyall other workers (including those in the growing informal sector) are seen aslesser . . . unproductive workers, indeed lumpenproletariat(Lebowitz, 2010;

see also Alvarez, 2010: 114116; Harnecker, 2007: paragraphs 115116). Thethree governments both in policy and discourse emphasize incorporation ofmarginalized and semi-marginalized sectors of the population in decisionmaking and the cultural life of the nation and their eligibility for the benefitsaccorded to workers of the formal economy. This orientation contrasts withtraditional Marxisms special appeal to the proletariat, whose salient charac-teristics were hardly that of an excluded sector. Not only was the proletariatpart of the economic system but it was generally represented by a trade unionstructure. The goal of incorporation of the marginalized and semi-marginalizedsectors, to a large extent lacking in organizational experience and discipline,was in many ways more challenging than that of advancing the interests of theorganized working class.

The social makeup of the ruling bloc in the three nations is diverse, com-plex, and characterized by internal tensions. This pattern is contrary to Marxsprediction, which has influenced orthodox Marxist movements over the years,of industry-driven polarization pitting an increasingly large, concentrated,and powerful proletariat against the bourgeoisie. According to the traditionalMarxist vision of polarization, nonproletarian, nonprivileged social sectorseventually become virtually extinct or else form an alliance with the prole-tariat without creating sharp internal conflicts over distinct priorities or inter-ests. The profundity of the fissures in the leftist bloc in the three nations alsocalls into question the concept of the multitude, which takes for granted theunity and convergence of the social groups and sectors critical of the estab-lished order.3


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Social heterogeneity and conflicting interests are particularly evident in thecase of Bolivia. It was easier for the left to maintain the unity and support ofthe indigenous movements, peasant unions, labor unions, and the cocalero(coca growers) movement in the water war of 2000 and the gas war of 2003,which shook the nation, than it has been for the Morales government since

2006. In spite of similar roots, indigenous groups and unionized peasants haveclashed as a result of adherence to distinct paradigms. While the formerdefend the sacredness of indigenous self-government and traditions, includ-ing in some cases the prohibition of property inheritance, the latter come outof the tradition of the 1952 revolution favoring individual property owner-ship. Indeed, the peasant unions criticize Moraless land distribution programfor its bias in favor of the communal property rights of indigenous groups,which they claim constitute the new hacendados of the Bolivian East. Inreality, however, the indigenous communitarian ideal (known as the ayllu)often clashes with the self-interest of indigenous community members, thus

providing evidence of the complexity of the contradictions within the govern-ing movement in Bolivia. A comparable situation of confrontation in spite ofsimilar origins pits the miners who resisted neoliberal reforms in the 1980sand 1990s against those who acceded to pressure to form worker cooperatives.Some political actors and analysts, such as Garca Linera, defend the new-social-movement paradigm by arguing that the traditional working class has

been severely weakened and conclude that the Morales government is thegovernment of social movements (Ruiz Arrieta, 2010: 185186).

The three governments class orientation, which does not center on theindustrial proletariat, has implications for the strategies they follow. Inclusion-

ary politics and social programs in general are sometimes pursued at theexpense of economic objectives. The Venezuelan government, for instance, hasassigned large sums of money to community councils and worker cooperativesthat are often not cost-effective but do include the previously excluded in deci-sion making and provide them with valuable learning experiences and a senseof empowerment. These priorities contrast with the focus on production tar-gets of really existing socialism during the Soviet all-out industrializationdrive in the 1930s and the Great Leap Forward in China beginning in 1958.

Various parties on the left and center-left of the political spectrum implicitlyor explicitly criticize the focus on the marginalized and semi-marginalizedsectors and the emphasis on social programs over economic objectives andinsist on the primacy of industry, productivity, and the working class. Social-democratic-oriented parties such as the Patria para Todos, which dropped outof the pro-Chavista governing coalition in 2010, and the ID of Ecuadorembrace this discourse. Both parties have lashed out at the governments oftheir respective nations for belittling technical competence and efficiency. Far-ther to the left, Trotskyist factions in Venezuela, in accordance with theiradherence to proletarian ideology, have expressed skepticism with regard tothe government-promoted worker cooperatives that have received massivefunding more as part of a social strategy in favor of the poor than as a way ofpromoting economic development. The cooperatives, which generally hadonly about five members each, often hired workers who were not protected bylabor legislation, collective bargaining agreements, or union representation(Ellner, 2008: 157, 187). The Communist parties of all three nations, while


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more supportive of the government, criticized it for underestimating theimportance of the role of the working class and failing to respect its indepen-dence vis--vis the state (Figuera, 2010; Prez, 2009).

While the three nations have failed to advance significantly in increasingtheir productive capacity as did the Soviet Union and China under initial

Communist rule, they have made inroads in the diversification of commercialand technological relations. In their international dealings, all three govern-ments have privileged relations with state companies and private ones out-side of the advanced bloc over the multinationals. Venezuela, for instance, hasattempted to lessen dependence on the multinationals by signing contractswith state oil companies in Russia, China, Belarus, Iran, and various LatinAmerican nations for preliminary exploration of the oil-rich Orinoco oil beltfor the purpose of obtaining certification. These developments are a reflectionof the decline of U.S. political and economic strength.

Expropriations, threats of expropriations, confrontations, and greater state

control of private (and particularly foreign-owned) companies have gonebeyond the actions and discourse of most radical populist and nationalistLatin American governments since the 1930s. The Chavista government reas-serted control of the oil industry and expropriated strategic sectors includingelectricity, steel, cement, and telecommunications in 2007 and 2008 and thentook over firms accused of price speculation and others in order to limit thepractice of outsourcing. In Bolivia, using the threat of expropriation and insist-ing on the irrevocability of deadlines for compliance with new legislation, theMorales government succeeded in pressuring foreign companies into accept-ing the law that obliges concessionaries to sell oil and gas to the state-owned

Yacimientos Petrolferos Fiscales Bolivianos.

CONCLUSIONS

Scholars and political analysts have long been divided between those whoemphasize the uniqueness of conditions in a given nation and those whoassert the scientific nature of the social sciences and tend to generalizeand synthesize across national boundaries. Similarly, leftist theoreticians aredivided between those influenced by the Hegelian tradition of focusing onnational trajectories that underpin distinct roads to socialism and those whoapply what they allege to be the fixed laws of Marxism. This article has docu-mented the convergences of three Latin American countries that are histori-cally different in many respects but have adopted various similar policies andapproaches to achieve structural change. The common grounds includepolitical and economic strategies that challenge the interests of traditional sec-tors in fundamental ways, the constellation of social groups and identities,some of which have played a more central role in political struggles than thetraditional working class, and the celebration of national symbols associatedwith rebellions against the old order. The article attempts to underline thesimilarities between the presidencies of Hugo Chvez, Evo Morales, andRafael Correa by contrasting them with social democratic, really-existing-socialist, and classical populist experiences of the past. The three presidentsalso stand in sharp contrast with nonsocialist, center-left governments in


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Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay, where political conflict and polarization areless acute, relations with the United States are less confrontational, and social-ism has not been proclaimed as a goal.

Some social scientists have cautioned against viewing the pink tide inLatin America as a homogenizing project and called for a focus on diversity

and specificity as a corrective to simplistic explanations (Motta and Chen,2010; Motta, 2009; Hershberg, 2010: 234235, 244245; Beasley-Murray,Cameron, and Hershberg, 2010: 15; Petras, 2008: 151). This article has alsorecognized heterogeneity and complexity. In the first place, it has discussedthe diversity of social groups that support transformation, each with distinctinterests and goals, and the resultant internal tensions that beset the left in allthree nations. In the second place, it has explored the challenges faced by gov-ernments stemming from their trial-and-error approach to socialism, whichattempts to avoid the perceived errors of already existing socialism, andwhich rejects simple solutions and formulas. In the third place, it has outlined

the different models of democracy that underlie the clash between govern-ment and opposition and in doing so pointed to the diversity of criteria thatcomplicates the debate over the boundaries between democratic and non-democratic behavior.

These conflicting definitions of democracy and their application to con-crete conditions have complex implications that are at odds with the simplic-ity of the thesis of the populist, authoritarian left put forward by Castaeda(2006; Castaeda and Morales, 2008), Mario Vargas Llosa, and other ardentcritics of twenty-first-century socialism. In short, diversity and complexitycharacterize the political landscape in Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador even

while the three countries share basic features such as sharp political andsocial polarization, political systems that borrow significantly from radicaldemocracy, and governments that embrace an anticapitalist discourse and anationalist foreign policy.

NOTES

1. The falling out of the center-left position may be a generalized trend in twenty-first-centurypolitics (see Hedges, 2010, and, for Venezuela, Ellner, 2008: 105108).

2. Sara Motta (2009: 3743) argues that orthodox Marxists, with their focus on productionas the center of political contestation, and social democrats minimize the importance of social-movement, territorial-based struggle because it is often unable to engage the state or impactnational politics.

3. See Laclaus (2005: 239244) refutation of the concept of the multitude put forward byMichael Hardt and Antonio Negri.

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