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Jean-Marie Le Pen

Jean-Marie Le Pen’s move-ment is winning Franceback for the French.

by Jared Taylor

fter decades of leftist anti-nationalist propaganda, Europe is fi-nally reawakening to the importanceof nation and race. In recent years,

patriotic parties have made important breakthroughs in Austria, Belgium, Norway, Denmark, and even in Ger-many, but the achievements of the

Front National (FN) in France are themost significant by far. There is achance that within a decade Frenchracial nationalists could hold real

power—in a country that is the birth- place of one of Europe’s great culturesand is the fourth-ranked industrial

power in the world.Over the last 25 years Jean-Marie

Le Pen has built a powerful organiza-tion that has dramatically shifted theterms of political debate in France. Askilled orator and tireless organizer,the 69-year-old Mr. Le Pen has madeit possible once again for the Frenchto think in terms of their own people-hood, to affirm the importance of

blood and soil, and to state openly thatFrance belongs to the French (seesidebar, p. 4).

Immigration

The FN unquestionably owes its

success to the fact that it is the only political party that openly opposes thetransformation of France throughThird-World immigration. During theeconomic expansion of the 1960s,France imported unskilled labor fromits former North African colonies justas Germany imported Turks. What

began as a temporary boom-time male

workforce eventually became a mas-sive transfer of Maghreb Arabs intowhat had been a very stable white

population. With a slowing economyand increasing unemployment, Francefinally put an official stop to Third-World immigration in 1974 but thedamage had been done. Millions of unassimilable Arabs began to accumu-late in urban slums that were no

longer recognizable as part of France.Illegal immigration continues un-abated, encouraged by soft-headedSocialist governments that havegranted the law-breakers several am-nesties.

As has been the case in all whitecountries, to note that this was pro-

foundly damaging to France was to bemet with cries of “racism.” Among thecredible French political parties, onlyMr. Le Pen’s Front National has takena clear position in favor of systematicexpulsion of illegal immigrants, incen-tives to encourage the repatriation of legal immigrants, and across-the-

board preferences for French nationalsin housing, employment and social

programs. It is this appeal of “France

for the French” that has been the mainsource of the FN’s strength and madeit the third most popular party in thecountry, with approximately 15 per-cent of the vote.

Although 15 percent may not seemlike a large figure to Americans accus-tomed to a two-party system, in auniquely French multi-party contextthe FN’s voting strength puts it wellon its way to becoming a significant

power. It takes some understanding of the French political system to makesense of this—and to grasp the extentto which anti-FN hysteria now drivesthe French electoral process.

In the French multi-party systemthe voter gets many choices, but thiscan mean that no party gets a substan-tial share of the vote. It may take acoalition of five or six small, squab-

bling parties to get a majority of depu-ties in the National Assembly, or par-liament, and the instability of shakycoalitions can paralyze government.France therefore has a two-round or two-ballot electoral system to firstnarrow the field before the vote for thefinal winner. Candidates from anynumber of parties can stand for seatsin the National Assembly on the first

ballot, but only those who get at least12.5 percent of the initial vote moveon to the second and decisive vote,which takes place one week later.

Continued on page 3

There is a chance thatwithin a decade Frenchracial nationalists could

hold real power.

American Renaissance - 1 - April 1998

Vol. 9, No. 4 April 1998

Nationalism on the March in France

There is not a truth existing which I fear, or would wish unknown to the whole world. – Thomas Jefferson



ans behaved in this manner. Just as itis a caricature to describe allslave-owners as sadists, it is a carica-ture to describe all Indians as tor-turers and mutilators. In War BeforeCivilization, a book you reviewed for the January issue, Lawrence Keeleynotes that there appear to have been afew primitive peoples who never made war, and that some AmericanIndians were among them:

"The great Basin Shoshone andPaiute bands mentioned earlier appar-ently never attacked others and werethemselves attacked only very rarely;most just fled rather than trying to de-fend themselves." (p. 30.)

I do not fault Mr. Schwamenfeldfor trying to correct the record and putin context the massacres by whites of which we are constantly reminded. Itis nevertheless important to recognizethat Indian practices varied enor-mously by region and by tribe.

Stanley Thomlinson, Florence,Ala.

Sir – I'd like to suggest that AR usemore photos and less clip art. I wasreminded of my own preference bythe layout for Samuel Francis' articleon Martin Luther King, which used

photographs. In my opinion, one of the most effective layouts in AR wasthe review of The Band Played Dixiein the July-August, 1997, issue, which

included a couple of striking photos of the South. While the art in AR doesgive the magazine a distinctive look, Isometimes wonder if it's appropriate.There have even been a few cases inwhich it seemed that the illustrationstrivialized the subject matter.

When your readers' survey asked,"Do you like the illustrations?" I an-swered, "Yes, but they took some get-ting used to." As a graphic designer myself, though, I know that readersshould not have to "get used" to a

publication's layout style.

Photos, of course, can be hard tocome by, but perhaps your readerscould help assemble a library of pho-tos broadly illustrating AR themessuch as history, tradition and race.Photos of crowd scenes, historic sites,traditional neighborhoods and archi-tecture, urban ghettoes, etc. could beeffective and need not be focused on a

particular story. Name withheld, Calgary, Canada

Sir – Though James Lubinskasmakes many good arguments againstPuerto Rican statehood in the Marchissue, he apparently has not consid-ered that making Puerto Rico a statecould be a good thing for America.

When I was in the army I asked aPuerto Rican acquaintance if he fa-vored Puerto Rican statehood. "Noway" he answered, "that little islandwould sink if it was made a state."When I asked what he meant by thathe noted what we both knew – manyPuerto Ricans in the U.S. are on wel-fare. "Why stay in cold, snowy Con-necticut or New York when you cancollect the same money while livingon a sunny island?" He predicted amass exodus back to the island if it

became a state and Puerto Ricanscould benefit from every welfare pro-gram without having to leave.

While I don't want to pay for wel-fare for Puerto Ricans, wouldn't it be

better to have them collect money onthe island rather than in your town?At least we could avoid some of theAIDS, crime, violence and blight thatthey bring to parts of Connecticut and

New York.Joseph Kowalski, New Haven,

Conn.

Sir – On the day of the Puerto Ri-can statehood vote, I turned on thetelevision hoping to get an update onthe issue. You can imagine my sur-

prise when I saw Jared Taylor speak-ing about it on Fox Cable. Though Ihave read AR for several years, I hadnever seen Mr. Taylor on television. Iwas very pleased with his perform-


Letters from Readers ance, though Fox did not give himmuch time to make his case.

It is great to know that Mr. Taylor is getting on television but I wish youhad mentioned it in AR so otherscould have seen the program, too.

Anne Parish, Williamsburg, Va.

These appearances usually comeon only a few days warning. We try to

put notices on the web page but it isusually not possible to mention anappearance in AR. – Ed.

Sir – You write that Republicanssupport Puerto Rican statehood "asmuch" as Democrats. If anything theysupport it more. Ralph Reed, NewtGingrich, Tom DeLay and RNCChairman Jim Nicholson support P.R.statehood with a fervor unmatched byDemocrats. I sent a letter to Mr.

Nicholson asking him to reconsider his support. I included a copy of Mr.Lubinskas' article. His reply includedthe following passage:

"The people of Puerto Rico havecontributed a great deal to the UnitedStates, most notably in defending our great country, and they have a strongconservative values [sic] and ideals,very similar to the Republican Party.It is important that we preserve thisrelationship and learn to work closer with the people of Puerto Rico . . . ."

Now I know why they are calledThe Stupid Party.

Name withheld, Tacoma, Wash.

Sir – I read Mr. Schwamenfeld'saccount of plains Indian savagerywith much interest but it could givethe mistaken impression that all Indi-



Continued from page 1(Any candidate who gets a majorityon the first vote wins outright, but thisis rare.)

Ordinarily, parties on the left and

right cooperate with each other on thesecond ballot. For example, in thefirst ballot for a legislative seat theSocialist might get 20 percent, theCommunis t 15 pe rcen t , the(conservative) Gaullist 22 percent andsome other “conservative” candidate18 percent, with the rest of the votegoing to no-hoperswho don’t make the12.5 percent cut-off.These four candidatescan stay in the race for the second ballot if they choose to, but sev-eral usually withdrawfor tactical reasons.The Communist woulddecide he cannot beatthe Socialist, andwould drop out and urge his support-ers to vote Socialist. If both“conservative” candidates then stayedin the race, they would split the“conservative” vote and the Socialistwould win with a plurality. The lesssuccessful “conservative” wouldtherefore drop out, leaving the Gaull-ist to duke it out with the Socialist ina real contest.

Ever since FN candidates startedwinning at least 12.5 percent of thevote and making it into the secondround, the French parties of the righthave treated them like pariahs. Their candidates refuse to drop out after thefirst ballot even if they won fewer votes than the FN candidate. This en-sures that the “conservative” vote issplit, and the lefty wins. As Christian

Kopff of the University of Colorado points out, this tactic of ganging upon the FN means that for electoral

purposes France has a two-party sys-tem with the FN facing a massive,

Socio-Gaullist coalition.This is in part due to the influenceof French Jewish groups. Years ago,in what is commonly referred to as“the B’nai B’rith oath,” Jewish or-ganizations got a formal agreementfrom the parties of the right that theywould never cooperate with the FN.

At the same time, the parties of the right arefully aware of thestrong appeal of the FNand fear that its suc-cesses come directly attheir expense.

In the latest elec-tions for the NationalAssembly in the sum-mer of 1997, the Gaull-ists slit their own

throats (and those of the FN) rather than break the B’nai B’rith oath. Theruling Gaullist coalition called a sur-

prise election on only a few weeksnotice in the hope of preserving its 80

percent majority in the National As-sembly. Even on such short notice,the FN managed to stand for all 577seats, fight a vigorous campaign, andget a very respectable 133 candidatesinto the second ballot. In the face of the usual gang-up tactics, the FN sentonly one deputy to the National As-sembly.

But fighting the FN was a disaster for the right. From a crushing major-ity in the assembly before the vote,the Gaullists plunged to a 41 percentminority. Government thus passed

American RenaissanceJared Taylor, Editor

Stephen Webster, Assistant Editor James P. Lubinskas Contributing Editor

George McDaniel, Web Page Editor — — — — — —

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into the hands of a Socialist-Communist coalition, and there arenow two Communists in the Frenchcabinet (the French Communist partyis one of the largest and most consis-tently Stalinist in Europe). Althoughthe left got fewer popular votes thanthe right (including the FN) it now hasa majority of deputies because theright destroyed itself.

Analysts at France’s leading butleft-leaning paper, Le Monde, calcu-lated that if the right had cooperatedin the second ballot as the left had, theFN would have won seats for 77deputies who, in coalition with theGaullist parties, could have formed agovernment of the right. The FN hastherefore demonstrated that without itscoalition support the “mainstream”right can no longer rule.

Even Le Monde , though delightedwith the left’s victory, notes that anti-FN conniving is distorting French de-

mocracy. The paper finds it“disquieting” that the Communists,who got only 9.9 percent of the firstround vote, have 33 deputies in theassembly and men in the cabinet,whereas the FN got 15.3 percent of the vote and seated only one deputy.

Even more significant, there is nowa vigorous insurgency among some

Gaullists and other “conservatives”who see no reason why the rightshould tear itself to bits while Social-ists and Communists rule. Charles deGaulle himself wrote, “The Frenchright is the most stupid right in theworld,” and some of the men whocampaign in his name are tired of be-ing living proof of this. Local repre-sentatives of the rightist parties have

begun to meet with Mr. Le Pen andother FN figures in an attempt to findsome means of compromise. For thetime being, these conversations arestill being denounced by the leaders of the rightist parties.

Whatever pose the party bosses arenow striking, in future elections therewill be tremendous pressure on themfrom below not to repeat the suicidaldisaster of last June. Some form of

In the summer of 1997,the Gaullists slit their

own throats rather thanbreak the

B’nai B’rith oath.



O

cooperation with the FN may be in theworks, if only to deprive the left of agoverning majority.

Some politicians are calling for straight, single-round elections thatwould return a number of deputies inrough proportion to the percentage of the popular vote. It was just such anexperiment in 1986 that resulted in theFN’s 11 percent of the popular votegiving it 35 deputies—an experimentthe country has never dared repeat.

Nevertheless, proportional representa-tion could end up giving the Gaullistsexactly what they want: a victory of the right over the left without the need

publicly to cooperate with the FN onthe second ballot. Whatever happens,the front is poised for a real break-through in the next legislative elec-tions, which will be held no later than2002.

In the mean time, two-ballot re-gional elections are scheduled for March 15 and 22, and results will beknown about the time this issue of AR goes into the mail. Regionals are of less significance than national elec-tions, but the French scrutinize theresults with great care looking for shifts in the balance of power. FewAmerican papers are likely to reportthe results, but the next issue of AR will carry an update.

Depth of Presence

One of the FN’s great strengths isthe depth of its electoral presence,which it has built up by contestingelections at all levels, local and na-tional. In 1989, for example, it won1,200 city council seats in 400 Frenchcities. The front now controls themayor’s office in four cities, includingToulon, which has a population of over 100,000 and is the principalFrench naval base on the Mediterra-nean.

When it first elected mayors in1995, there was much shrieking about

the return of fascism, but the front hasgone quietly to work, rooting out cor-ruption, correcting “affirmative-action” style preferences for foreign-ers, and stopping local funding for “multi-cultural festivals” and anti-French library books. This deliberate

pace is now decried as a mere tactic tolull people into thinking the front is nodifferent from any other party.

Perhaps the most excitement has been had from the front’s 1997 victoryin the Marseille suburb of Vitrolles.Catherine Mégret, the new mayor, im-mediately made headlines with her interpretation of the voters’ wishes:“[They] wanted us to scare peoplewho don’t belong. We will immedi-

ately stop all state aid to immigrantsand give the money to French people.Our motto is: ‘French first.’ ” “You’llsee how quickly they [immigrants]disappear from here,” she added.“They’re only here for the money.”She also called immigrants “colonists”and concluded that the races are ge-

ne of Mr. Le Pen's most ap- pealing characteristics is his frank-ness. He says what he believesand - unlike so many other publicfiguressticks to it. His unwillingnessto back down makes him a hero tohis supporters and infuriates leftymediacrats accustomed to terrifyinggrown men by accusing them of

"racism."From his public statements it isclear that Mr. Le Pen is primarily aFrench and European nationalist"Iam more concerned with the destinyof France and of Europe than withother regions of the world"but heclearly understands the biological

basis of nationhood. In his view, theidentity of France "is indissolublylinked to blood, soil and mem-ory . . . . It is composed of a homo-geneous people living on a territoryinherited from its forefathers ac-

cording to tradition." He denounces"perils that endanger the essence of France . . . its biological substance.""It is wrong," he concludes, "tomake France a country of immigra-tion and its people a halfbreed." Herealizes full well what is at stake:"The issue of the battle is clear:#France will be destroyed or resur-rected."

In a speech delivered before anestimated six to eight thousand peo-

ple in Paris on May 1, 1996, he reit-erated these themes, denouncing atlength "this tidal wave of immigra-tion that will smother us after it im-

poverishes us." On that same occa-sion he even spoke of the prospectof civil war should "massive immi-gration" continue to pit aliensagainst the French. "Our goal is toreawaken France," he concluded.

Mr. Le Pen is a devout Catholic,and has been bitterly criticized by

liberal, one-world clerics. To thosewho claim that Christianity cannot

be nationalist he replies, "Christtells us to love our neighbors, not

people on the other side of theworld."

In the United States, Mr. Le Penmay be best known for his remarksabout Germany and the Jews. Last

December, he was actually fined theequivalent of $17,000 for calling thegas chambers a mere "detail of his-tory of the Second World War" (seeAR, Feb. 1998).

In France, his 1996 comments onracial differences in sports may havemade a bigger splash: "In the Olym-

pic Games there is an obvious ine-quality between the black and whiteraces in sport, running in particular.This is a fact.... I observe that theraces are unequal." When he waslater questioned about this he said,

"Yes, there is a race disparity in thesame manner as there are unequalcivilizations. Without inequality,France would not be French."

The lefties jumped for joy. A popular French electronic magazineScarabée wrote: "Le Pen finally ad-mits explicitly he is a racist! This isa great day! . . . Now everything isclear: People who vote for the Na-tional Front are all racists for sure."The voters appear to have been un-moved. A week after Mr. Le Pen's"explicit admission" his party won29.6 percent of the vote in a

by-election in the southern Frenchtown of Gardanne.

Mr. Le Pen has been called"racist" so many times he treats it asa joke. When he was asked recentlyabout accusations of racism he re-

plied, "What must I do in order notto be racist? Marry a black woman?One sick with AIDS, if possible?" ●

Le Pen in His Own WordsDriving the Lefties Crazy




netically different. Later, under France’s tyrannical anti-free speechlaws, Mrs. Mégret was fined andgiven a suspended jail sentence butshe is still firmly in office. Like anumber of FN office-holders, Mrs.Mégret is Jewish, but this does notseem to silence those who insist thatthe front is anti-Semitic.

In February of this year Vitrollesturned the country on its ear by an-nouncing selective grants of $1,000 tocertain city residents who had babies.Only French couples and citizens of other European Union nations get themoney. The grants are made withoutregard to race, but the effect is to sub-

sidize white baby-making. Every other political party has denounced the pro-gram and it has been challenged incourt.

At a more symbolic level, the FNhas gotten rid of the lefty street namesthe Socialists had scattered aroundVitrolles. The old names are back, re-

placing Olof Palme (very lefty Swed-ish prime minister), Salvador Allende(Marxist president of Chile), and Dul-cie September (black anti-apartheidactivist). Mrs. Mégret has done awaywith Avenue François Mitterand, thesocialist President of France who diedin 1996, and brought back AvenueMarseille instead. Likewise, the cityonce more has a Place de Provenceafter having endured a Place NelsonMandela for several years. The other side has always made heavy use of symbols, and the front takes great

pleasure in undoing its work.

Shifting the Debate

Of course, the FN’s importancegoes far beyond its electoral strength.As always happens when“extremists” win support, their

positions suddenly cease to bequite so extreme. Many“mainstream” conservativesnow sound just like Mr. Le Pen.Jacques Mayard, deputy fromYvelines, explains what to dowith an illegal immigrant: “You tie

him onto a stretcher, a little Valium,and out he goes.” Jean-Marie André,Gaullist deputy mayor of Beaucairesays—putting the cart before thehorse—“If Jean-Marie Le Pen says thesame things as I it is not my fault.”Former French president Valéry Gis-card d’Estaing has now taken the FN

position in favor of jus sanguinis (seefollowing article).

Even the left has become infected.In 1990, when the Gaullist mayor of the Paris suburb of Montfermeil madelocal, publicly-supported nursery

schools stop accepting any more im-migrant children, the Communistmayor of nearby Clichy-sous-Boisdefended the decision, saying he was“faced with a similar situation.” For-mer Socialist prime minister EdithCresson has spoken openly aboutloading up chartered airplanes withimmigrants and sending them home.Remarks of this kind, which mightwell end an American politician’s ca-

reer, are no longer fatal in France.Public opinion polls show a great

variety of views about the FN. Sixty-three percent of the French were re-

portedly “somewhat shocked” or “very shocked” by Mr. Le Pen’s com-ments on race and the Olympics (seesidebar, p. 4), but 25 percent said theywere “not very shocked” or “notshocked at all.” Fifty-one percent feelthat at least some FN ideas are close totheir own while 44 percent totally dis-approve of the party. In one remark-able survey, three quarters of respon-dents said there are “too many Arabsin France,” and half said they feel“antipathy” towards them.

Broadening the Base

Poll results will continue tochange, not only as the FN gains more

power and respectability but as itsown politics change. A dozen yearsago, the party promoted a virtuallyThatcherite, free-market economics.Recently, it has begun to shift towardsworkers’ concerns: protectionism,

wage supports, and unemployment

and retirement benefits. For the latestlegislative elections it coined a newslogan: “Not right, not left, butFrench!” Combined with its unfailingsupport for “France for the French,”the new emphasis is moving the FN ina distinctly populist direction. To thechagrin of the left, the FN now getsmore votes from workers and employ-ees than any other party.

Of course, the press finds a sinister motive in anything the FN does.Whenever the “mainstream” rightmakes a populist move, Le Monde and

the socialist-supporting Nouvel Obser-vateur see this as a sign of good sense.When the FN starts talking about re-specting the French worker, the same

journalists fret that Hitler, too, was a populist, whose doctrine was NationalSocialism . Le Monde, choosing itsdates carefully, worries that the FN “isnow showing an activism in a direc-tion not familiar to the extreme rightsince 1945.”


FN Milestones1928 - Jean-Marie Le Pen is

born. His father dies fighting theGermans when Jean-Marie is 14.

1956 - Le Pen is elected to the

French National Assembly. Atage 27, he is the youngest deputyto take a seat.

1972 - Le Pen founds theFront National.

1982 - The front first attractsinternational attention with agood showing in local elections,

but no FN candidate wins a seat.1984 - The FN wins 11 per-

cent of the vote for delegates tothe European Parliament andtakes 10 seats.

1986 - The FN wins 11 per-

cent of the vote for the NationalAssembly, and seats 35 deputies.1988 - Le Pen wins 4.4 million

votes (15 percent of the ballot)for President of France.

1988 - The system of votingfor National Assembly ischanged. FN loses all seats de-spite winning 14.4 percent of thevote.

1989 - FN wins 1,200 citycouncil seats in 400 French cities.

1993 - FN wins 12.6 percentof votes for the National Assem-

bly but wins no seats.1995 - FN candidates electedmayors of Toulon, Orange, andMarignane.

1997 - Catherine Mégret iselected mayor of Vitrolles.

1997 - FN wins 15.06 percentof the vote for the National As-sembly but seats only one deputy,who is later removed for over-spending on his campaign. ●



This move towards the center hasgreatly increased the appeal of theFN’s annual May 1st parade. Yearsago, the front boldly decided to com-

pete head to head with the very leftyFrench observances of May Day, andits increasingly populist message nowattracts 6,000 to 8,000 demonstrators,in what is one of the most-watched

political events on the French calen-dar.

The party gets an even more spec-tacular turnout for its annual “BlueWhite and Red Festival” in the fall.Last year, 60,000 heeded the call tothe colors, and more than 30,000 lis-tened to Mr. Le Pen’s keynote ad-dress. No other politician in France— or in America—can bring out crowdsof this size. These figures are all themore impressive—and known to beaccurate—because the FN is the onlymajor political party that can charge

admission to its events and still pack the halls. Mr. Le Pen also inspires hisopponents to mobilize on an unprece-dented scale. An “anti-racist” counter-demonstration sent 10,000 peoplethrough the streets of Paris to protestthe most recent FN festival.

As Samuel Francis has pointed out,national prominence of this kind is

based in large part on painstaking, un-glamorous work at every level of soci-ety. The FN has an organization for teachers, the equivalents of severaltrade unions, an association of retired

people, a police union, tenant andhousing organizations, and a large andvery active youth association. By im-

proving the daily lives of the French,the front spreads its message and

builds support.At the same time, the success of

the Le Pen movement has establisheda clear, rightward boundary to French

political discourse. There is simply nofuture for racialists or nationalists out-side the front. Groups like the NewForces Party, the Popular Alliance,

New Resistance, and the National Re- publican Party have either marchedstraight into political insignificance or

joined the front.

Why the Success?

What accounts for the FN’s successon a scale beyond the dreams of anequivalent movement in the UnitedStates? Any answer is necessarily

speculative, but one factor that can beruled out is any difference in the pre-vailing intellectual climate. Elite opin-ion in France is, if anything, more left-over Marxist than in America. For years, Mr. Le Pen’s program was sim-

ply ignored by the press and now thatit cannot be ignored, it is routinelycalled fascist, anti-Semitic, xenopho-

bic, and racist. The most neutral epi-

thet is “extreme right,” but now thatthe front is moving in a populist direc-t i o n , t h e t e r m “ g a u c h o -lepénism” (leftist-Le Penism) hascome into vogue.

As in the United States, journalismstandards go by the board if points can

be scored against “the fascists.” Typi-cal of the way the press has treated the

party is an article that appeared in theAugust 6-7, 1995, issue of Le Monde .With the headline, “The Front Na-tional Recruits Young ActivistsAmong the Neo-Nazis,” the article

purports to be an exposé of the kind of people who attend the FN’s “summer university,” which has been an annualevent for more than ten years. Thereader is titillated with comments at-tributed to attendees (example: “Hitler didn’t do everything right but he did-n’t do all that badly either.”). Thespeakers remain unnamed—thoughsince anyone can apply to attend thesessions their remarks mean nothing— and their comments were passed alongto Le Monde by a disgruntled attendeewho is also unnamed .

Over the years, the FN message hasgotten out despite the press, not be-cause of it.

Unlike the United States, however,France is a country with a long history

of ethnic and cultural stability. “Weare a nation of immigrants” wins noarguments in a Paris café. The Frenchhave always taken a prickly sort of

pride in their Frenchness, which isvisibly eroded by alien implantation.Also, the French cannot be black-mailed with constant harping on race-slavery. Lefties have tried to use theimperialist past as a moral shakedown,

but this has generally failed. Francemaintains a clearly beneficial presencein its former African colonies, whichare generally in better shape than their ex-British neighbors. Senegalese andeven Algerians still look up to Franceas the font of true culture, and enthusi-astically take part in the “Francophonesummits” that bring French-speakingcountries together. The ordinaryFrenchman is therefore less on the ra-cial defensive and less susceptible tothe multi-racial, anti-white nonsense

that circulates just as freely in Franceas in the United States.Another French advantage has

been its multi-party system. Althoughthe two-ballot process has been usedviciously against the FN, France isentirely accustomed to new partiescropping up and even taking power.The two main parties of the formerly-ruling conservative coalition, the Un-ion for French Democracy (UDF) andthe Rally for the Republic (RPR), areonly a decade or two old. Thus, unlikethe United States, where “third-party

candidacy” is almost synonymouswith “irrelevant,” political expressionin France is not limited by a choice

between Tweedledum and Tweedle-dumber.

Patrick Buchanan, for example hasmuch in common with Mr. Le Pen,and people vote for him for many of the same reasons. In a national contesthe could probably attract a similar

proportion of the popular vote. How-ever, he faces far higher institutionalobstacles to building an organizationcapable of challenging the existing

parties. The dominance of the Democ-rats and Republicans leaves potentialsupporters of an American populistmovement with no voice and no

power.As they have shown in California

ballot initiatives banning affirmativeaction and state handouts for illegalimmigrants, American whites vote for their own interests when they have the




F

French citizenship laws arealmost as crazy as ours.

rance is one of the few countriesthat, like the United States, grant citi-zenship to children of foreigners bornwithin their territories. In other words,it practices jus soli (right of soil), asopposed to jus sanguinis (right of

blood), according to which nationalityis transmitted only by bio-logical descent.

The American version is by far the more lunatic. If aJapanese woman, who hap-

pens to be changing planesin New York, suddenlygives birth to a baby in theairport, she can demand U.S. citizenship for the child. Theoreti-cally, the mother need not even touchthe ground; if she gives birth in an air-

plane while it is in American airspace,she has just produced a new Americancitizen.

The French practice is somewhatmore nuanced. The first modern citi-zenship law dates back to 1889, andreflects the radical egalitarianism of the French Revolution. Any child bornof parents who were, themselves, bornin France, was a French citizen at

birth. This was known as the “doubleright of the soil.” A child born inFrance of non-French parents had a

right to French citizenship at age 21 if he was reared in France. A foreigner who moved to France could apply for French citizenship after living inFrance for 10 years. French law wasunlike any other in Europe and was

based on the revolutionary assumptionthat nationality was a matter of assimi-lation rather than blood. The law wasfurther liberalized in 1927, in the hopeof making up for the losses of the First

World War: Foreignerscould apply for naturaliza-tion after living in Francefor only three years.

The Vichy government promptly established jus sanguinis —citizenship bydescent—and naturaliza-tion was made considera-

bly more difficult. In 1945, GeneralCharles de Gaulle reinstituted the1889 law, arguing that “a lack of men”explained the defeat of 1940 and thatlooser citizenship requirements would

swell the population. In 1973 the“double right of the soil” was ex- panded to grant birthright citizenshipto children born in France of parents

born in former French colonies andoverseas territories. This foolish lawmeant that Senegalese and Moroccanimmigrants—who were living inFrance but born in Senegal or Mo-rocco before independence—couldcount on instant citizenship for their

children born in France. Children of French residents of other nationalitieshad a right to citizenship when theyreached their majority.

Unlike immigrants from other for-mer colonies, Algerians could alwaysclaim the “double right of the soil” for their French-born children, since Al-geria was administratively part of France until independence in 1963.This meant that the Algerian immi-grants streaming into France seekingwork had been producing French ba-

bies even before the 1973 law. Thishad awkward consequences after theimmigrants were no longer wantedand began to get chips on their shoul-ders. Beginning in 1981, there werespectacular cases of young Algerian-Frenchmen contemptuously renounc-ing their unwanted French citizenship.

A new law in 1993 did not revokethe “double right of the soil” for chil-dren of immigrants from the former colonies, but it did mark a slight re-

treat from jus soli . Children born inFrance of parents who were neither French nor from the colonies could nolonger anticipate automatic Frenchcitizenship when they reached their majority. At some point between their 16th and 22nd birthdays they had tomake a positive declaration of loyaltyto France, and prove they had beenliving in France for the five years pre-ceding the declaration. In 1998, with

chance. Like the French, they are far more racial-nationalist than the pressor the politicians. The genius of Mr.Le Pen is to have broken through tothe people, to have fought off the

press and the politicians long enoughto give the French a chance to vote for the things their grandparents took for granted: France, race, and nation.

What are the prospects for the FN?Today, only the conservative Rally for the Republic (RPR) and the SocialistParty outpoll the FN, and the RPR does so by only a few percentage

points. Although Mr. Le Pen is grow-ing older and there may be somechanges at the top of the party, an FN

prime minister is no longer out of thequestion. Indeed, at this point the rightmight be more inclined to break theB’nai B’rith oath if the old warrior

were to step down. At the same time,if the insurgency among the conserva-tives is successful, the RPR and theUDF may offer to cooperate in thenext legislative elections. At the mo-ment, there is debate within the frontover whether to forgive the “rottenright” its past treachery or whether simply to try to crush it. But if theright cooperates across the board andthe front outpolls the RPR, it couldfind itself the senior partner in a gov-erning coalition. Jean-Marie Le Pen’smission to reawaken France could beon the verge of success.

This possibility is not lost on theopposition. Reflex, a French “anti-racist” magazine, notes that what itcalls “fascist gangrene” continues tospread. Its post-elections summaryglumly concludes that the nation faces

“the very real prospect of an extreme-right government in France for thefirst time since Vichy.”

Derek Turner, editor of the Britishnationalist magazine Right Now!,writes: “If an FN government, or agovernment strongly influenced by theFN, comes to power in France (as nowseems likely), the effects will be incal-culable.” He goes on to argue that anationalist success in such an impor-tant country as France could not help

but stimulate similar successes else-where in Europe, and even bring theBritish Tories—many of whom al-ready agree privately with Mr. LePen—out of the closet. By reawaken-ing France, the FN could reawakenEurope, and perhaps even the UnitedStates. ●


Who is a Frenchman?



A sampling of recent sci-entific literature.

by Glayde Whitney

What’s New in Geneticsand Intelligence

A leading researcher in behavior genetics has published his views onthe latest findings in genetics and in-telligence. Robert Plomin of the Insti-tute of Psychiatry in London writesthat “research that goes beyond herita-

bility has led to some of the most important findings about the nature of intelligence in the past decade.”

One approach that goes beyondheritability is developmental geneticanalysis, in which researchers track genetic influences as people matureand grow old. Prof. Plomin reportsthat “one of the most interesting dis-coveries of the past decade is that ge-netic influence on intelligence be-comes increasingly important through-out the life span.” The heritability of general cognitive ability increasesfrom about 40 percent in children to80 percent in people over age 60. Thisis said to be the highest heritabilityever found for any behavioral dimen-sion or disorder. It is a finding that has

been replicated in two separate studies

of very elderly twins.Prof. Plomin points out that thisfinding is particularly interesting be-cause it is counterintuitive. For manyyears it has been theorized by everyone from sociologists to medical re-searchers that as we age the cumula-tive slings and arrows of environ-mental encounters increase the envi-ronmental causes of individual differ-ences and decrease the effects of

genes. Now that it has been found thatheritability actually increases with agethe theories are changing. A popular new interpretation is that geneticallyinfluenced preferences and predisposi-tions lead people to seek out differentenvironments and to encounter differ-ent experiences. The result of thesegene-guided environmental encounters

is that as we get older genetic differ-ences become more important in de-termining individual differences.

In another new field, called“multivariate genetic analysis,” re-searchers investigate the “covariance”among traits rather than simply studyeach trait separately. For example, onecan measure both math performanceand verbal ability, and see if the samegenes affect both. Of course, covari-ance analysis is nothing new whenconducted at the level of actual traitsrather than genes. Indeed, CharlesSpearman discovered g , the generalfactor for cognitive ability, back in1904 by studying the covariance of different measures of intelligence.What is new is multivariate analysisthat separates the genetic from the en-vironmental influences on commonal-ities among traits.

Prof. Plomin writes that “the samegenetic factors largely influence dif-ferent cognitive abilities. For example,genetic influences on verbal abilityhave a high degree of overlap with

those affecting spatial ability.” Thisfinding is an essential part of mosttheories that propose a genetic basisfor general intelligence. This pro-foundly important finding is pro-foundly unpopular among liberalegalitarians. The kindly-intentionedsocial engineers, when forced to ac-cept genetic influences on ability, liketo decompose general ability into anumber of separate abilities. They canthen argue that with separate (and un-correlated) abilities, everyone excelsat something and we should celebrateour diversity. Sorry. Nature does notdistribute talent fairly. As Prof.Plomin puts it, “the same genetic fac-tors largely influence different cogni-tive abilities.” People who are smart inone way are likely to be smart in oth-ers.

Another type of research definesthe real effect of “environmental” in-fluences. Sociologists have tried for years to assess the quality of homeenvironments and have found, for ex-ample, that the number of books in ahome correlates with the mental abili-ties of children raised in that home.Many studies, including the famousColeman report of the 1960s, reportedthat the best predictor of school per-formance was “family background,”as measured by characteristics of thehome environment.

When proper genetic experimentaldesigns are incorporated into studiesof “environmental” influences, it turnsout that much of the effect is actuallygenetic. That is, measures such as“number of books in the home” aremostly indirect and sloppy indicatorsof parental genotype. Brighter parentstend to have more books. It is only

because children share their parents’genes that there is a correlation be-

the left once more in power in the Na-tional Assembly, this requirement wasremoved; French-born children of for-eigners still do not get birth-right citi-zenship, but they are automaticallygranted citizenship at age 18.

Needless to say, the FN advocatesa return to jus sanguinis , and its depu-ties have repeatedly proposed newnationality laws. Although there isincreasing popular opposition to non-

white immigration, France continuesits distinctive practice of jus soli for several reasons. First, the idea thatFrance adopt the jus sanguinis of itsEuropean neighbors can no longer beevaluated rationally but must turn intoan emotional debate about “racism.”At the same time, France still has alingering attachment both to revolu-tionary sans-culottism and to a morerecent “ mission civilizatrice ,” or civi-

lizing mission. The glory of Francethat was once spread by empire cannow be spread by opening the portalsof civilization to barbarian aliens.Since foreigners of all races—

particularly Americans—are barbari-ans, the mission civilizatrice has not

been tossed out with its 19th centuryBritish equivalent, the white man’s

burden. ●


It is only becausechildren share their

parent’s genes that thereis a correlation betweenhome invironment and a

child’s mental ability.

The Galton Report



E


tween home environment and a child’smental ability. When genetically unre-lated children are adopted and rearedin the same family they have zero cor-relation for intellectual ability by thetime they are adults.

These newly-established findingsonly reinforce what readers of AR have known or strongly suspected for a long time. While poverty may con-

tribute to impulsive criminality, thestrongest causal effect is that low in-telligence and lack of foresight lead toimpulsive criminality—which is oneof the major causes of poverty. In themain, the social engineers have inter-

preted causality backwards becausethey deny genetic influences. Crimi-nality causes poverty and not the re-verse.

Although Prof. Plomin might not be prepared to say so himself, theseare clearly some of the implications of the directions in which scientificknowledge is moving. [Plomin, R., &Petrill, S. A., “Genetics and intelli-gence: What’s new?” Intelligence ,vol.24 #1, pp. 53-77.] ●

The Rainbow MenaceAlvin Schmidt, The Menace of Multiculturalism: Trojan Horse in America,

Praeger Publishers, 1997, 211 pp., $39.95.

People who hate Americaare teaching your children.

reviewed by James P. Lubinskas

ver since the 1960s, multicultural-ists have had their way in Americanuniversities and public schools. This

book suggests that mainstream conser-vatives are now fighting back, thoughthey still avert their eyes from the sig-nificance of race.

Alvin Schmidt, a professor of soci-ology at Illinois College, worries thatmulticulturalists are teaching minori-ties and Third-World immigrants toreject America’s Western heritage be-cause it is uniquely “racist,” “sexist,”and “homophobic.” He argues that

withholding Western values both hurtsstudents and threatens to tribalize thenation. If non-white immigrants do notassimilate, “Americawill no longer be amelting but a boiling

pot . . . .”Prof . Schmid t

makes quick work of the doctrine that allcultures are morallyequal. He lists manyexamples of barbaric non-Western

practices that are almost never men-tioned in textbooks. He also points outthe deception and hypocrisy of multi-culturalists who claim, with straightfaces, that smoke signals or shaman-ism were merely different from radioand modern medicine rather than infe-rior.

Prof. Schmidt has scoured collegeand grade school textbooks and tells adisheartening tale of what our children

are taught. Many textbooks nowdowngrade legitimate European his-tory and exaggerate the inventions andsuccesses of other cultures. They leaveout important historical events andoveremphasize minor characters only

because they are women or non-whites. Thus the National Standardscurriculum leaves out Paul Revere,Thomas Edison and the Wright broth-ers, but makes room for Harriet Tub-man, Cesar Chavez and W.E.B. Du-Bois. Of course, racism is strictly aone-way street: The Ku Klux Klan is a

prominent example of American big-otry but the Black Panthers and Mal-colm X are “civil rights” leaders andseekers of justice.

Prof. Schmidt notes that although

colleges brag about “diversity,” theystifle diversity of opinions. IndianaUniversity, Arizona State University

and California StateUniversity have all“disinvited” conserva-tive speakers like Pat-rick Buchanan andLinda Chavez becauseof pressure from mi-nority groups that re-fused to allow people

with views different from their own tocome on campus. It is now common

for black and homosexual groups todestroy copies of student newspapersthat print columns they find offensive.

What About Race?

Prof. Schmidt offers abundant evi-dence of the desirability of Westernculture. He usefully catalogs theabuses, hypocrisies and lies of multi-

culturalism and shows how this off-shoot of Marxism is now a religioncomplete with saints and infidels. Heeven goes beyond standard neoconser-vatism in noting that the 1965 immi-gration law that opened America tothe Third-World was a drastic meas-ure fueled by “ignorance” and “whiteguilt,” which “set the stage for the

possible unraveling of America’s cul-ture.” But the unraveling is strictly acultural matter. If only schools,churches and colleges would empha-size traditional American values, non-whites would assimilate just like theEuropean ethnics of old.

The son of German immigrants toCanada, Prof. Schmidt makes much of the fact that he was made to conform

to the mainstream culture of WesternCanada. This included speaking Eng-lish rather than German and puttingaside the German heritage of his par-ents. Though he claims to have facedanti-German prejudice, he is glad hewas made to embrace Canadian cul-ture. He thinks that Asians, Hispanics,and blacks just need a dose of thesame medicine.

Prof. Schmidt does not consider whether multiculturalism is a symp-tom of an even deeper problem— multiracialism—nor does he seem to

doubt that with the right educationlarge numbers of non-whites can betaught to embrace Western civiliza-tion. This curious faith in an outcomefor which there is neither historical

precedent nor current evidence is the book’s obvious blind spot, but TheMenace of Multiculturalism is still animportant volume for anyone con-cerned about America’s culture wars. ●



Puerto Rico Update

On March 4th, the House of Repre-sentatives voted 209-208 to pass HR-856, which sets the stage to makePuerto Rico our 51st state. Lastmonth’s AR described this bill and its

potentially disastrous consequences.As predicted, Congress brought the

bill up with little prior notice, though ahardworking coalition arose to chal-lenge it. English First and the Councilof Conservative Citizens continuedtheir good work, and AR distributedcopies of last month’s cover story toall 435 members of the house. Thevery day of the vote, AR editor JaredTaylor appeared on the cable program“Fox In Depth,” to explain to a na-tional audience that a poor, Spanish-speaking Caribbean island has no

place in the Union. National Review opposed the bill,

as did columnists Patrick Buchananand Samuel Francis. They were joined

by neoconservatives Linda Chavezand Cal Thomas and talk show hostsRush Limbaugh and G. Gordon Liddy.That the bill passed by only one voteis a sign that opposition had an effect.Sponsors thought the bill would sailthrough without problems, but it must

now face the Senate, where oppositionis likely to be stiffer. Senate MajorityLeader Trent Lott may not even bringup the bill this year. Of course, Presi-dent Clinton says he will sign it if it

passes.Puerto Ricans who favor statehood

have spent millions of dollars on the bill. According to the Capitol Hillnewspaper, Roll Call , groups favoringthe bill have poured eight times asmuch money into lobbying as thosewho are opposed. Puerto Rican groupsare also reported to have given more

than a million dollars to William Clin-ton’s reelection campaign. (ChrisHawley, Puerto Rico Pols Worked for Vote, AP, March 6, 1998.)

Fighting for Whites

A new organization dedicated tofighting discrimination against whiteshas caused a stir on the West coast.

The European-American Issues Forum(E/AIF) was founded in March, 1997,in San Jose, California, by LouisCalabro, a retired police detective andDale Warner, a lawyer.

The E/AIF first made headlineswhen it was refused entry into a July1997 conference in San Franciscocalled “National Voices for an Inclu-sive 21st Century.” In excluding theE/AIF from a gathering to celebrate“inclusion” and study hate crimes,conference chairman Barbara Bergensaid, “. . . frankly, protecting Europe-ans against hate crimes is not the

burning issue of the day.” The E/AIFhas filed a complaint against MissBergen with the San Francisco HumanRights Commission.

In February, the E/AIF staged a protest outside the San Jose meetingof President Clinton’s Race Initiative.Mr. Calabro and other E/AIF membersmade comments during the questionand answer session that were broad-cast by C-SPAN. Because of his re-marks, the San Francisco Chronicle invited Mr. Calabro to write an edito-rial on the President’s initiative, whichwas published on February 19th.

Mr. Warner, the other founder, isgathering information for a possiblesuit against several prosecutors inCalifornia, who may be targetingwhites for hate crimes prosecution.Earlier this year, E/AIF filed a similar complaint with the FBI.

The E/AIF has also established aZebra Killings Memorial Committee,in memory of a series of scarcely-remembered black-on-white murdersin the San Francisco area in 1973 and1974. A group of Louis Farrakhan fol-lowers who called themselves the“Death Angels” believed that by kill-ing whites—especially women andchildren—they would earn “points”towards becoming angels when theydied. They managed to kill 71 whites

before they were caught in 1974. TheE/AIF will publicize these killings,hold a memorial service for the vic-tims, and attend parole hearings of themurderers to make sure they are never released.

The group has helped form a Euro- pean American Employee Association

for San Jose public employees as wellas a European American CorrectionalWorkers Association. Some membersare aiming to get on the San Jose Hu-man Rights Commission, where they

can have a say about who gets tar-geted for “racism” and “intolerance.”E/AIF hopes to expand its activitiesstate-wide soon. It can be reached at(650) 952-8489.

On The Ropes

Ex-heavyweight boxing championMike Tyson made $112 million for sixfights after his 1995 release from

prison. He now owes $7 million in

unpaid income taxes and, according toone report, is down to $150,000 inliquid assets.

Apparently he is taking his lossvery hard. “He was hysterical, cryingin my office,” says a friend of Mr. Ty-son, “He kept saying, ‘How could theydo this to me?’ “ The ex-champ appar-ently blames his manager, Don King,for his penury. In February, at a meet-ing in Los Angeles, Mr. King tried tocalm Mr. Tyson but was rewardedwith a slap, a shove, and several kicksto the face. Mr. King’s injuries forced

him to cancel a press conference.“Don was pretty banged up,” says a boxing insider.

This is not the first time Mr. Tyson(apparently with the help of Mr. King)has squandered millions. Before hewent to prison, the fighter’s $75 mil-lion fortune was so depleted, his man-agers had to cash in a $2 million trustfund to pay Alan Dershowitz, the ap-

pellate lawyer in his rape trial.


O Tempora, O Mores!




(Wallace Matthews, Down For TheCount, New York Post, February 4,1998, p. 5.)

Home Field Advantage

In February a crowd at the Los An-geles Coliseum that was 90 percentMexican-American watched a soccer

game between the national teams of the United States and Mexico. Anyquestions about divided loyalties werelaid to rest when the crowd whistledand jeered during the U.S. nationalanthem. The stadium was so adornedwith Mexican flags, that even the L.A.Times noted, “it’s safe to say the sta-dium hasn’t witnessed such a showingof national fervor since the 1984Olympics.”

The U.S. team lost 1-0 on a lategoal by the Mexicans. In appreciationfor a close, well played match, thefans pelted the U.S. players with beer cans, soda, food, and plastic bottles asthey left the field. “It seemed like wewere playing in Mexico City,” saidone U.S. player, “but they treated us

better there than they did here.” (TedLeonard, Shower of Abuse from Mex-ico’s Fans Adds Insult to U.S. Defeat,L.A. Times, February 16, 1998.)

Heston on Race

In a December, 1997, speech given

to the Free Congress Foundation,Charlton Heston said some surpris-ingly sensible things about race:

“The Constitution was handeddown to us by a bunch of wise olddead white guys who invented our country! Now some flinch when I saythat. Why! It’s true—they were whiteguys! So were most of the guys thatdied in Lincoln’s name opposing slav-ery in the 1860’s. So why should I beashamed of white guys? Why is‘Hispanic Pride’ or ‘Black Pride’ agood thing, while ‘White Pride’ con-

jures shaven heads and white hoods?Why was the Million Man March onWashington celebrated by many as

progress while the Promise KeepersMarch on Washington was greetedwith suspicion and ridicule? I’ll tellyou why: cultural warfare!"

Mr. Heston also crit icized“feminists who preach that it is a di-vine duty for women to hate men,”

and “blacks who raise a militant fistwith one hand while they seek prefer-ence with the other.” (CharltonHeston, Fighting The Cultural War InAmerica, speech given at Free Con-gress Foundation, December 6, 1997.)

Cultural Exchange

We reproduce this news story, ver- batim and in toto:

“Ventura, Calif.—A devout Hinduis suing Taco Bell, claiming he suf-fered extreme distress because he wasserved a beef burrito.

“Hindus hold cows sacred andMukesh Rai maintains that he care-fully ordered a bean burrito at theTaco Bell in Ventura in April.

“His lawsuit seeks damages for emo-tional distress medical expenses andloss of wages. Rai said he had totravel to purify himself by bathing inthe Ganges River.” (Hindu Sues Over Beef Burrito, Lansing State Journal(Mich.), Jan. 26, 1998, p. 4A.)

Different Strokes for Dif-ferent Folks

Blacks and whites have radicallydifferent tastes in television. Not one

program on the top ten list for whitesis in the top ten for blacks and viceversa. The only program that draws asimilar response among both races is“Monday Night Football,” which isnumber six with whites and number

twelve with blacks. Not one of the 10most popular shows for blacks evenmake the top 100 for whites. The fa-vorite program for blacks, “BetweenBrothers,” is 117th for whites.

UPN and WB, which show sitcomswith all- or mostly-black casts, are thefavorite networks for blacks but arevirtually unknown to whites. Blacksalso watch more television than whites(72.4 hours a week as opposed to

50.8). (Josef Adalian, Study Bares Ra-cial Gulf In TV-View Habits, NewYork Post, Feb. 13, 1998, p. 3.)

First of Many?

Australian authorities have deniedrefugee status to a 39-year-old whiteSouth African woman and her two

daughters. Cheryl Kennedy fled toAustralia after she was robbed 12times, mugged five times, had threecars stolen, and her house burnt down.One of her daughters had a gun held toher head and her father and brother have been shot—the brother fatally.Miss Kennedy also claimed thatwhites in South Africa face discrimi-natory affirmative action programs,and that blacks target them for crime

because of race. She is still in Austra-lia pending the results of an appeal of her rejection, but vows she will never go back to South Africa: “If they de-

port me, it will have to be to someother country.” (Agence France-Presse, White South African WomanSeeks Refugee Status, Feb. 19, 1998.)

More White Wickedness

A study conducted at Stanford Uni-versity has found that white studentsare less critical of essays written by

blacks than of essays written bywhites. When asked to give grades or

write comments to be delivered to theauthor, white students had more praisefor essays if they thought they werewritten by blacks. This appears to beyet another burden whites place on

blacks: “Positive feedback bias may present serious costs for minorities”since they may not get the mentalchallenge they need. (Kent Harber,Feedback to Minorities: Evidence of aPositive Bias, Journal of Personalityand Social Psychology, Vol 74, No.3.)

It does not seem to have occurredto the author that whites have learnedto go easy on blacks because they arelikely to be accused of “racism” if they are honest.

City Life

A 35-year-old black woman— whom news accounts have notnamed—lived downstairs in her De-

199804 american renaissance

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