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    WE THE STATERegion8 BHOPAL March 11 to March 17, 2013

    Chhattisgarh: Why Raman Singh should take the OBC stir seriouslyRAIPUR

    This could be an early warning signal for Chhat-

    tisgarh Chief Minister Raman Singh in an elec-

    tion year. The Other Backward Classes in the

    state are dissatisfied with the BJP government

    and they have made it evident by a massive

    show of strength on the streets. The OBCs form

    a big chunk of votes in the state and if they

    form into a voting block, it could spell trouble

    for the chief minister seeking his third term inoffice.

    A couple of days ago, 50,000 members of the

    OBCs staged a 100 km march from the nonde-

    script Charama to the state capital, Raipur. The

    ostensible reason for the show of strength was

    their dissatisfaction with the reservation policy

    of the state government. However, the real mes-

    sage they wanted to convey was not a part of the

    27-point charter of demands. It was: We are not

    happy. Give us a larger and effective share of

    power.

    What should worry Raman Singh is that a sig-

    nificant number of par ticipants in the rally had

    voted for the BJP in the last assembly elections.

    Though both the main parties in the stateCon-

    gress being the othershare the OBC votes

    equally, the BJP has reasons to worry more

    since it is the party in power. The OBCs do not

    appear to be ready to be content with a mere in-

    crease in the number of tickets in the coming

    election. They want a share in the real power

    that is confined to the chief minister himself

    and a handful of ministers belonging dominant

    castes.

    At the Indoor Stadium in Raipur where the

    first OBC Adhikar Mahasabha was held on 4

    March, the protesters made the announcement

    of their grievances in a grand way. The first re-

    sponse of the government was to dispatch a

    group of OBC ministers to pacify the agitators

    on the way to Raipur. The ministers did not have

    much or anything new to offer and they failed to

    stop the ral ly midway.

    With the assembly in session, the Congress

    leaders lost no time in declaring their support to

    the main demand of the OBCs toincrease their quota of reserva-

    tion to 27 per cent in educational

    institutions and government

    jobs. The chief minister was

    quick to invite the leaders of the

    OBCs to his residence for talks.

    This also failed and the agitators

    ended up declaring their inten-

    tions to intensify the movement

    in the coming weeks.

    The government finds itself

    embroiled deeper in the contro-

    versy that is largely its own creation. It all star t-

    ed towards the end of 2 010 when a cabinet sub-

    committee headed by the Home Minister Nanki-

    ram Kanwara tribalrecommended alter-

    ation in the quota system in reservations in the

    state. The demographic picture had changed

    drastically after the new state of Chhattisgarh

    was carved out of Madhya Pradesh in 2000. The

    review had become necessary also because of

    the de-limitation of the political constituencies

    after the 2001 census.

    Though Madhya Pradesh retained its number

    one position as the state with the highest num-

    ber of STs in the country after the census, the

    density of the tribes in the carved out state of

    Chhattisgarh went up significantly. As against

    the 20.3 per cent of the total population in MP,

    the new state counted 31.8 percent as tribals.

    The percentage of the SCs in the total popula-

    tion, however, went down in Chhattisgarh (11.6

    percent) as against the figure of 15.2 p ercent in

    Madhya Pradesh.

    This fuelled demands by various tribal groups

    in Chhattisgarh for a hike inthe reservation quota that had

    been inherited from the old

    state. The cabinet sub-commit-

    tee was formed with this as the

    backdrop. And the recommen-

    dations only increased the list

    of the aggrieved.

    The Chhattisgarh govern-

    ment on 7 December 2011 decid-

    ed to revise the pattern of

    reservation in government jobs

    and educational institutions.

    The quota for the STs was raised from 20 to 32

    percent and that for the SCs was brought down

    from 16 to 12 percent. The OBC quota was left

    untouched at 14 percent.

    This gave reason to SCs to come to the street

    first. It was equally resented by the OBCs too

    who, like in most other parts of the country, are

    generally believed to make up almost 50 percent

    of the states population. Though it is early to

    predict the political fallout of this movement,

    the BJP being the ruling party is at disadvan-

    tage. As for the credentials as a champion of

    their cause the Congress has history on its side

    thanks to Arjun Singh.

    Earlier, as a part of the undivided Madhya

    Pradesh, the OBCs in the state were first in the

    country to get the recognition as an organised

    group in the society. The Backward Classes

    Commission, the first of its kind in the country,

    was established in June 1980 by Arjun Singh im-

    mediately after he took over as the chief minis-

    ter for the first time. At that time it was largely

    seen as yet another shrewd move by the wily

    Thakur to undermine the influence of the Shuk-la brothersShyama Charan and Vidya Cha-

    ranin the area. The commission remembered

    generally as Mahajan Commission visited vari-

    ous parts of the state and prepared a list of

    castes to be included under the list of OBCs. Lat-

    er, in 1993 a five-member Madhya Pradesh Com-

    mission for Backward Classes replaced Maha-

    jan commission which was not a statutory body.

    The state government, while revising the per-

    centage in December 2011, took quotas up to 58

    percent and left OBCs displeased. The govern-

    ments decision, which provided for 58 percent

    reservation in educational institutions and gov-

    ernment jobs, was duly challenged in the Chhat-

    tisgarh High Court citing the Supreme Court or-

    der that restricts total reservation to 50 percent.

    The court vacated its stay on the implementa-

    tion of this policy in July 2012. It, however, ruled

    that the appointments made by the government

    on the basis of the new policy, would be subject

    to the courts final verdict.

    And thus hangs the sword of uncertainty over

    a policy that, till its fate is decided by the court,

    is sure to fuel the politics of de mands and un-

    rest in the state.

    Jhabua:

    Everyda

    y it's

    Women

    's DayT

    he district administration of

    Jhabua, a predominantly tribal

    area 350 km west of Bhopal, is an all-

    woman bastion well almost. With

    Jaishri Kiyawat as collector and Krish-

    naveni Desavatu as superintendent of

    police, it is the only district in MP

    where both civic and police administra-

    tion are run by women.

    But that's not where the story ends. Be-

    sides the collector and SP, there are six

    other heads of departments - all women.

    The Chief Medical and Health Officer

    (CMHO) is Dr Rajni Dabar, assistant

    commissioner (tribal welfare) is Mohini

    Shrivastava, district woman and child

    development officer is Neelu Bhatt, as-

    sistant director, public relations is Anu-

    radha Garwal, assistant director, back-

    ward classes welfare is Pinky Damor

    and assistant director, town and coun-

    try planning is Kavita Nagar.

    Not so long ago, the districts of Datia

    and Dewas were unofficially earmarked

    for posting lady IAS officers as collec-

    tors. The geographical spread of Datia

    being small, both Datia and Dewas con-

    sidered administratively 'largely peace-

    ful' -- were reasons given for posting lady

    officers here through the 1970s till 90s.

    But Jhabua is different and no walk-in-

    the-park. The district has a crime prob-

    lem and ranks comparatively lower on

    the development indices as well.

    "Women usually stayed in the back-

    ground and most of them are in ghung-

    hat. But after one and half years here, I

    see them coming out," says Kiyawat.

    Learning the local language helped

    her draw women into conversations and

    thereby understands their issues, she

    says. Kiyawat is the first woman to be

    posted as collector in Jhabua.

    For Krishnaveni Desavatu, being a

    woman and SP is no different. "I don't

    look at myself differently while being a

    woman and a police officer. We are

    trained to be cops although as women

    we are able to probably appreciate cer-

    tain aspects in a victim more than what

    men would," she said.

    "In terms of policing, Jhabua is one of

    the toughest districts in the state. The

    liquor mafia is very active and Krish-

    naveni has dealt with that issue and

    general crime very effectively," says

    Anuradha Shankar, IG, Indore range.

    Women's forays in Jhabua is not re-

    stricted to the administration only -- dis-

    trict panchayat president Kalawati

    Bhuria and BJP district chief Nirmala

    Bhuria are also women.

    How well are the ladies working to-

    gether? Jhabua recently bagged a na-

    tional award for best electoral

    practices - it added 1.48 lakh voters.

    "That's an example of coordination,"

    says Kiyawat.