1 cor 1-4 - role of the fool

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    :PAUL'S APPROPRIATION OF THE ROLE OF THE FOOL

    IN 1 CORINTHIANS 1-4

    LAURENCE L. WELBORN

    UnitedTheological Seminary

    Those who study and teach the New Testament suffer from a

    great disadvantage, which we find it difficult to admit even to

    ourselves: our familiarity with central themes of Christian preach

    ing tends to obscure the original meaning of a number of texts.

    There is no better illustration than Paul's famous statement, "The

    message about the cross is foolishness" (1 Cor. 1:18). We assume

    that Paul meant that the proclamation of a crucified God, or Son

    of God, was an absurdity to the people of the ancient world.1

    We

    forget what Justin Martyr knew: that various Greek gods and he

    roes had suffered ignominious deaths.2 One thinks of Dionysus tornapart by the Maenads, and ofPrometheus bound upon the rocks.

    3

    Evidently, Greeks and Romans would not have regarded the suf-

    fering and death of a Son of God as "folly."

    Justin identified the unique element in Jesus' passion as the

    cross. The sons of Zeus, he concedes, suffered and died in vari

    ous ways, "but in no case is there any imitation of the crucifix

    ion."4

    Was "folly" the response to the preaching of the cross? Word

    study produces a provocative result: the term "folly" is nowhereconnected with the cross in pre-Christian literature, Greek or

    Latin.5

    The cross is described as "terrible," "infamous," "barren,"

    1

    H.O. Gibb, "Torheif und "Ratsei" im Neuen Testament. Der antmomischeStrukturcharakterderneutestamenthchen Botschaft(Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 194pp. 1-3; G. Bertram, "," TDNT4 (1967), pp. 845-46.

    2Justin, Apol I. 21-22.

    3Lucan, Prom. 1-2.

    4 Justin, Apol. I. 55.5 This is the (unintended?) outcome of the meticulous investigation of M.

    H l C ifi i th A i t W ld d th F ll f th M f th C

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    PAUL'S APPROPRIATION OF THE ROLE OF THE FOOL 421

    "criminal," an "evil instrument."6

    Crucifixion is called "cruel and

    disgusting," "shameful," "the supreme penalty," "the most wretched

    of deaths."7 But nowhere is the cross associated with any of theterms that make up the rich vocabulary of "foolishness" in Greek

    and Latin.

    The fact that pagan writers do not describe the cross as "folly"is hardly surprising. In a well-known passage, Cicero asserts that

    "the very word 'cross' should be far removed not only from the

    person of a Roman citizen but from his thoughts, his eyes, and

    his ears ... The mere mention of such a thing is shameful to a

    Roman citizen and a free man."8

    The cross was evidently not asubject of levity among the upper classes of the Roman Empire.

    But it is only when this fact is acknowledged that one can begin to

    appreciate the audacity of Paul's formulation, "the message about

    the cross is foolishness."

    The signs of novelty are apparent in Paul's articulation of the

    thesis. The expression, "the message about the cross" (

    ), by which Paul summarizes the gospel, is unique, not

    only in the Pauline letters, but in the entire New Testament.

    9

    Soit is not a technical term of Paul's preaching, but an adhoc formu

    lation, growing out of the tensions in this text.10

    Paul's decision to

    of the Christians as amentiae. But the primary meaning of amentia is "madness";amentia means "folly" only in a transferred sense in poetical texts. Similarly, Justin,

    Apol. I. 13, describes the offence caused by the message of the crucified as ,but this is "madness" rather than "folly." Christian writers, such as Theophilus ofAntioch (Ad Autolycum 2.1) and Origen (Contra Cehum 1.9), who place the term"foolishness" () in the mouth of pagan interlocutors as a judgment upon

    the Christian message, are demonstrablyunderthe influence ofPaul's formulationin 1 Cor. 1:18-25.

    6Plautus, Captivi469; Casina 611; Menaechmi66, 849; Poenulus 347; Persa 352;

    Rudens 518; Trnummus 598; Anthologia Latina 415. 23-24; Seneca, Epist. mor.101.14; PGM5.73; Lucian, Iudicium vocalium 12; these texts cited by Hengel,Crucifixion, pp. 7-8.

    7Cicero, In Verr. 2.5.165; Seneca, Epist. mor. 14.5; Apuleius, Met. 1.15.4;

    Scriptores Historiae Augustae 8.5; Achilles Tatius 2.37.3; Origen, c. Ceh. 6.10; Cicero,In Verr. 2.5. 168-169; Josephus, War 7. 202-203; cf. Hengel, Crucifixion, pp. 22-38.

    8Cicero, Pro Rabino 5.16. The passage is often quoted in exposition of 1 Cor.

    1:18, e.g., G. Heinrici, Der erste Brief an die Korinther, KEK 5 (Gttingen: Vanden-

    hoeck& Ruprecht, 1896), p. 75; R. Baumann, Mitte undNorm des Christlichen. EineAuslegung von 1 Korinther 1, 1-3, 4 (Mnster: Aschendorff, 1968), p. 85; Hengel,Crucifixion pp 41-42 H -W Kuhn ("Jesus als Gekreuzigter in der frhchristlichen

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    422 LAURENCE L. WELBORN

    replace the content of the gospel metaphorically with a symbol of

    cruelty seems intentionally harsh. The reader, who does not yet

    know how Paul will expound his thought in the following paragraphs, must have experienced this reduction of the content of the

    gospel to a single, shameful event as stunning.11

    And then, when

    the message about this cruel and disgusting death is immediately

    declared to be "foolishness," the effect must have been shocking.

    The paradox is stupefying.

    Was Paul the first to describe "the word of the cross" as "fool

    ishness"? If so, then the question of the meaning of "foolishness"

    in Paul's discourse takes on fresh urgency. For the term cannotpreviously have possessed the profound theological significance

    that Paul confers upon it in the course of his exposition. Close

    examination of Paul's argument reveals that the apostle uses the

    word "foolishness" () in three senses in 1 Corinthians 1-4,

    corresponding to three moments in his encounter with the con

    cept: appropriation, evaluation, and affirmation.12

    If we would un

    derstand the meaning of Paul's surprising assertion, "the message

    about the cross is foolishness," we must rehearse the drama of hisstruggle with this concept, from the application of the term as a

    judgment upon his preaching, to his acceptance of the word as

    the truth of his life in fellowship with the suffering of Christ.

    We begin our search, accordingly, at the point where Paul ap

    propriates the term "foolishness" as a description of his procla

    mation, since this is the earliest moment in the process of meaning

    that is ascertainable in the text. Determination of the original

    import of the word is crucial, since whatever significance the term

    acquires in the course of Paul's exposition is, in some sense, a

    reflex of the meaning it possessed at the point of appropriation.

    So, whence has Paul derived the concept "foolishness" that he

    applies to his preaching of the message about the cross?

    There is no need for an extensive search for the source of the

    concept, for the apostle states very clearly in which provenance

    the judgment of "foolishness" is formulated: those for whom the

    message about the cross is "foolishness" are "Greeks" who "seek

    wisdom" (1:22). The term "Greeks" () in the Pauline corpus, as in ancient literature generally, designates those who are

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    PAUL'S APPROPRIATION OF THE ROLE OF THE FOOL 423

    distinguished from the Barbarians by the possession of Greek language and culture.

    13Their distinctive characteristic, as Paul states

    clearly, is the pursuit of "wisdom." Those who embraced Hellenism, whether of Greek nationality ornot, participated in a learned

    culture through philosophy, rhetoric and art, as represented in the

    gymnasium, the assembly, and the theater. Thus the concept of"foolishness" that Paul applies to his preaching is not derived from

    the Gentile inhabitants of the Roman Empire in general, but, more

    specifically, from those whose identity as Hellenes centered on the

    possession of wisdom.14

    It is in the Greek world that we must seek the meaning of "foolishness" as it applies to Paul's discourse. This insight puts us on a

    different path from the majority of interpreters, who tend to deny

    that the term "foolishness" retains a "secular" meaning in Paul.15

    But it does not yet serve to focus our investigation, for the term"foolishness" () takes on various meanings as it occurs in

    different contexts in Greek literature. In Greek tragedy, is

    a kind of "madness," a rash and impulsive action that seems to be

    impelled by a power which confuses human understanding and

    hides the right path.1 6 In a political context, denotes anavet that is unable to calculate the consequences of actions, and

    that is consequently expressed as imprudent counsel.17 In the

    teaching of the philosophers and moralists, is a lack of

    reason or self-understanding, the absurdity of an unexamined

    life.18

    For the rhetorician, it is "sheer folly" not to adapt one's styleof speaking to the audience and the circumstances of the case.

    19

    The wise counselor warns against the "silly talk" of the "chat

    terer."20

    1 3See the excellent article of H. Windisch, "," TDNT2 (1964), pp.

    504-16, especially pp. 512-16 on Paul's use of the term.1 4

    Windisch, "," p. 515.1 5

    Gibb, "Torht", p. 8; Bertram, "," p. 845; H. Conzelmann, 1 Corinthians,Hermeneia (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1975), p. 43; P. Fiedler, "," ExegeticalDictionary ofthe New Testament, Vol. 3 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1992), p. 449; P.Lampe, "Theological Wisdom and the 'Word About the Cross': The RhetoricalScheme in 1 Corinthians 1-4," Int 44 (1990), pp. 120-21.

    1 6 Sophocles, Ant. 220,1. 469-70; EL 1326; Euripides, Medeal. 614. This sensealso in Demosthenes Or. 9.54; Epictetus, Diss. 1.6.36.

    1 7Thucydides 5 41 3; Sophocles Oed Tyr 433 II 540 42; Aristophanes Eccl

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    424 LAURENCE L. WELBORN

    Some of these uses may have relevance to Paul's concept of "fool

    ishness." But before we begin to assess their significance, it is es

    sential to recognize that there is one meaning which is so commonin the Greco-Roman world that it would have been uppermost in

    the minds of Paul's readers and, apart from clear indications to

    the contrary, must be assumed to be the meaning that Paul in

    tended. For most Greek readers in the time of Paul, and espe

    cially for those who viewed the world from the perspective gained

    through their participation in learned culture, the term

    designated the attitude and behavior of a particular social type:

    the lower class buffoon.21

    The "foolishness" of this social type consisted in a weakness or deficiency of intellect,

    22often coupled with

    a physical grotesqueness.23

    Because the concept of the laughable

    in the Greco-Roman world was grounded in contemplation of the

    uglyand defective,24

    those who possessed these characteristics were

    deemed to be "foolish." As a source of amusement, these lower

    class types were widely represented on the stage in the vulgarand

    realistic comedy known as the "mime."25

    Through its use in this

    context, became "the common generic name for a mimicfool."26

    The fool was a secondary actor in the mime, a second banana,

    a clown.27

    His function was to make fun of a primary action by

    imitation and intrusion. So he aped the performance of the

    archmime, comically misinterpreting and reacting to him.28

    Like

    other mimes, the fool appeared barefoot and maskless; indeed,

    his grimaces and gesticulations were an essential part of the per-

    2 1For this social type and the ridicule to which such humble persons were

    routinely exposed, see P. Veyne, A History ofPrivate Life I: From Pagan Rome toByzantium (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), pp. 134-36.

    2 2Bertram, "," p. 832.

    2 3G.M.A. Richter, "Grotesques and the Mime," AfA 17 (1913), pp. 148-56.

    2 4Aristotle, Ars Poet. 1449a30; Cicero, De Oral 2.236; Quintilian, Inst. Oral

    6.3.1.; cf. M. Grant, The AncientRhetorical Theories of the Laughable (Madison:University of Wisconsin Press, 1924), p. 19 and passim.

    2 5 On the fool in the mime, see the testimonia collected by H. Reich, DerMimus. Ein litterar-entwickelungsgeschichtlicher Versuch (Berlin: Weidmann, 190

    578 83 A Ni li M k Mi d Mi l ' S di i h P l Th t

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    PAUL'S APP ROP RIA TI ON OF TH E ROLE OF TH E FOOL 425

    formance.29 The fool typically had a shaven head; he was bald-

    headed not by nature, but from anxiety.30 Although he might wear

    a variety of costumes, those most often associated with the fool

    were the chiton, a short frock, and the centunculus, a colorful raggarment stitched together from odd scraps.31 The fool sometimes

    carried a stick with which his misbehavior was punished; we read

    much of the blows that rained down upon the fool's humped back

    or bald head.32

    Vivid portraits of mimic fools survive in terra-cotta statuettes of

    the Hellenistic age and the early Roman Empire. A terra-cotta

    lamp found in Athens depicts thr ee maskless perfo rmers stan ding

    in a group (Fig. I).

    3 3

    That they aremime actors is proven by the inscrip

    tion on the side: "mime-actors; the

    theme (or subject of the play), The

    Mother-in-Law." Of the three mimes

    represented, the one in the middle,

    facing front, is clearly the fool. He

    wears a short chiton and lays his right

    hand over his protruding belly. He has

    a bald head, large ears, a broad nose,

    small eyes, and a wry mouth . He

    stands, rather dejectedly, between the

    other characters, as though he had just

    received a heavy lec ture from th em.

    Fig. 1 An ot he r statuet te, pro bab ly from

    Alexandria, shows two mimic fools with shaved heads, broad

    noses, and full lips, dressed in short chitons, engaged in animated

    29 Seneca, Epist. 8.8; Juve nal 8.191; Macro bius 2.1.9; Ath ena eus , Deip. 10.452;

    Quintil ian, Inst. Orat. 6.3.29; especially t he epi ta ph of Vitalis, a virt uoso solo

    per for mer of the imperial per iod , who boasts of his skill in mo ul di ng his feature s

    and describes th e effect upo n the aud ien ce , in J.W. Duff (ed .) , Minor Latin Poets

    (Cam brid ge, MA: Harv ard University Press, 1934), pp . 637-39.30

    Juvenal 5.170-72; Arnobius, Adv. nat. 7.33; cf. Reich, Der Mimus, pp. 23, 470,

    578, 831; for ico nogr aph ie evide nce, see Nicoli, Masks, Mimes and Miracles, pp.

    47-49.31 Apuleius, Apol. 13; Festus 274 M; Varr, Ling. 5.132; Nonius 14; Arnobius,

    Adv. nat. 6.25; cf. . Dieterich, Pulcinella. Pompejanische Wandbilder und rmischeSatyrspiele (Leipzig: Te ub ne r, 1897), pp . 143-45.

    32Wst "Mimos " p 1748

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    426 LAURENCE L. WELBORN

    dialo gue (Fig. 2 ) .3 4

    One fool places

    his arm around the shoulders of the

    other, who leans toward him, listen

    ing, endeavoring to imitate with hisright hand and the gesture of his

    companion.

    Cicero, in the chapters on ridicule

    in De Oratore, often refers to the

    mimes and speaks of their general

    deformity, their baldness, and their

    foolish an d ridicul ous gri mac es.3 5

    He warns the orator from that sortof ridicule, and in the process gives

    a portrait of the "fool." He asks,

    What can be so ridiculous as a fool? We laugh at his gr imaces , his mi micry

    of other people's characteristics, his voice, in short, his whole person. I can

    call him witty, not, however, in the way I should wish an orator to be witty,

    but only the mime. That is why this me th od , which mak es peop le l augh,

    does not belong to us. I mean the peevishness, superstitiousness, suspicious

    ness, boastfulness, foolishness. Such characters are in themselves ridiculous:

    we j eer at su ch ro le s on the stage; we do not ac t th em.3 6

    One gains some impression of the antics of the fool from the

    one extended example of such a routine that has accidentally sur

    vived in an Oxyrhynchus papyrus of the first century AD.3 7

    The

    piece is a farce, with a theme akin to the Greek romances.3 8

    The

    characters are marked by symbols, but references in the text en

    able us to identify them.3 9

    The chief part is that of A, named in

    the dialogue as Charition, a young Greek woman who has fallen

    into the hands of some barbarians. The king of the land intendsto sacrifice he r to Sele ne, in whose t emple she has taken refuge.

    The second actor, marked in the manuscript, is a fool. That he

    3 4Bieber, Denkmler zum Theaterwesen, p. 177 . 188, Tab. 108, 5; Nicoli, Masks,

    Mimes and Miracles, pp. 47-48, Fig. 31.3 5

    Cicero, De Orat. 2.68-72.3 6

    Cicero, De Orat. 2.61.251-52.3 7

    POxy. 413. Originally published in B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, The

    Oxyrhynchus Papyri (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1903), p. 413; text andtranslation in D.L. Page (ed.), SelectPapyri III(Ca mbr idg e, MA: Har vard University

    Press 1988) pp 336-49

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    PAUL'S APPROPRIATION OF THE ROLE OF THE FOOL 427

    is to be so identified is indicated not only by his behavior, but also

    from the way in which he is addressed fool!" (), and

    "poorfool" ().40 It is upon the low humor of this clownthat the amusement of the play chiefly depends. His methods of

    raising laughter are obvious: he plays off the heroine and others,

    making retort to their words and mocking their actions. He is, al

    ternately, boastful, anxious, sacrilegious and obscene. However vul

    gar the humor of the fool might be, his importance to the plot is

    underlined, in this case, by the fact that it is he who effects the

    heroine's rescue by making her captors drunk.

    The fool was a familiar figure in the cities of the Roman Empire, where the mime was so popular that it "practically monopo

    lized the stage."41

    Politicians might be denigrated by comparison

    with a fool, particularly if something about their speech or de

    meanor furnished a basis for the comparison.42

    As is well known,

    the Emperor Claudius, who ruled when Paul wrote to Corinth,

    suffered from cerebral palsy, which left him with certain physical

    impairments: his head and hands shook; he dragged his right leg;

    he had a cracked and hardly intelligible voice; when he was angry, it was even more unpleasant: he stammered and snarled and

    slobbered.43

    When he was young, his grandfather Augustus kept

    him out of the public eye.44

    But when he unexpectedly came to

    power, he was widely ridiculed as a fool.45

    Two anecdotes by the

    historian Suetonius illustrate how widespread was this ridicule. A

    Greeklitigator, in hot debate with Claudius as a judge, let slip the

    remark, "You are both an old man and a fool ()!"46

    After

    Claudius' death, Nero "vented on him every kind of cruelty; for

    it was a favorite joke of his to say that Claudius had ceased to 'play

    the fool' among mortals, lengthening the first syllable of the word

    morari, "to linger, remain," so that it became moran = ,

    "to play the fool."47

    Seneca composed a splenetic parody of the

    deification of Claudius, with a title that translates loosely "The

    4 0POxy. 413, lines 20, 58; cf. Winter, De mimis Oxy., p. 33; Wst, "Mimos,"

    p. 1753.41 W. Beare, "Mimus," OCD (1970), p. 688.42

    Suetonius, Iulius 51; Domil 10.

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    428 LAURENCE L. WELBORN

    Apotheosis of a Pumpkinhead." To make sure that readers rec

    ognize the role in which Claudius is cast, Seneca describes the

    subject of his satire as a "born fool" in the prologue,48

    and latertwice refers to the divinized emperor as a "fool," cleverly substi

    tuting for in phrases familiar from Greek drama and

    traditional Greek prayers.49

    It seems probable that it was from the

    personality of the emperor Claudius that the figure of the fool

    received new life in the literature of the mid-first-century. According to Suetonius, "Claudius did not even keep quiet about his own

    stupidity, but in certain brief speeches he declared that he had

    purposely feigned foolishness under Caligula, because otherwisehe could not have escaped alive and attained his present station.But he convinced no one, and within a short time a book was

    published, the title of which was The Elevation ofFools (

    ), and its thesis, that no one feigned folly."50

    When we turn to 1 Corinthians 1-4 with this understanding of

    "foolishness," we discover that many of Paul's statements become

    more intelligible. We begin at the end of the section, because Paul

    has constructed his argument so that he comes to speak last of the

    charge that had given rise to the discussion.51 Thus, Paul declaresin 1 Cor. 4:10, "We are fools on account of Christ." In what sensePaul means the term "fool" is clear from a little noticed reference

    to the "theater" in the preceding verse, which is usually translated:

    "we have become a spectacle to the world."52

    But the generaliz

    ing translation conceals Paul's meaning. The Greek word is

    , which is, first of all, a building, a place for public as

    semblies, and then, as here, what one sees at a theater, a play.53

    When Paul says that "God has exhibited us apostles as last of all,"he is thinking of the practice of magistrates and benefactors, who

    gave lavish theatrical entertainments for the public, starting withthe higher aesthetic forms, such as tragedy or recitations of poetry,

    4 8Seneca, Apoc. 1.1.

    4 9Seneca, Apoc. 7.3; 8.3.

    5 0Suetonius, Claud. 38.3.

    5 1On the logic of Pauline argumentation, that is, his tendency to delay

    mention of the cause of a dispute until he has defined key terms in his own

    sense, see Conzelmann, 1 Corinthians, p. 249; and, generally, F. Siegert,Argamentation beiPaulus (Tbingen: Mohr-Siebeck, 1985), pp. 195-99.

    52Th th NRSV

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    PAUL'S APPROPRIATION OF THE ROLE OF THE FOOL 429

    progressing through classical comedy, and concluding with the

    mimes, which were for this reason referred to as "after-pieces."54

    As we shall see, Paul is thinking, in particular, of mime scenes inwhich the fools were condemned to death.

    Paul follows the assertion, "We are fools for Christ," with an

    account of his experience as an apostle, which is remarkably harsh

    in tone and content:

    We are weak, we are held in disrepute, we are hungry and thirsty, we arepoorly clothed and beaten and homeless, and we grow weary from the workof our own hands, (we are) reviled, persecuted, slandered. We have become

    like the rubbish of the world, the dregs of all things (4:10-13).

    The harshness of the language has often puzzled interpreters,

    and is usually explained by reference to Paul's emotional state or

    his rhetorical tendencies.55

    But the account as a whole, and each

    of its details is an accurate description of the social experience of

    the mimes. The mime actors' social status was miserably low. They

    were held in contempt, certainly by "polite" society. They were

    widely regarded as parasites. Social commentators frequently

    lumped them together with other low-life denizenswhores,pimps, and thieves. The mimes were repeatedly banished from the

    cities of the Empire. The mime's life was a precarious one; most

    were slaves, and those who were not eked out a dubious living,

    dependent upon the taste of the public, the indulgence of patrons,

    and the availability of suitable opportunities for performance.56

    The poet Martial pictures the mimes haunting the marketplaces,

    where they performed during the day, and where they slept at

    night upon mats and pallets in booths that they shared with conjurers, dancers, and the like.

    57Time permits us to examine only

    one detail in Paul's description. Paul says that he and his col

    leagues were "beaten" (4:11). The vernacular term and

    its cognates appear repeatedly in comedy and mime to describe

    the beating, the thrashing, the "knuckle-sandwich," given to the

    fool.58

    5 4R. Beacham, The Roman Theatre and its Audience (Cambridge, MA: Harvard

    University Press, 1992), pp. 129-37; R. Beacham, Spectacle Entertainments ofEarlyImperial Rome (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), pp. 2-11 and passim.

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    430 LAURENCE L. WELBORN

    Moving backwards through the exposition, we come to Paul's

    account of his preaching on the occasion of his appearance in

    Corinth in 2:1-5: "When I came to you, brothers and sisters, I didnot come proclaiming the mystery of God in lofty words or wis

    dom ... I came to you in weakness and in fear and in much trem

    bling." This passage, too, has puzzled interpreters.59

    We may rule

    out the possibility that Paul's weakness was the result of a failure

    of nerve.60

    Nor is there any mention of persecution as the cause

    of anxiety.61

    Rather, Paul portrays himself as a well known figure

    in the mime: the befuddled orator.62

    The figure was popularized

    by Sophron, whose mimes were widely read and greatly admired.

    63One of Sophron's fools, Boulias the orator, is repeatedly

    mentioned in literature as an example of rambling, ambiguous

    speech.64

    The incoherence of Boulias' oratory became prover

    bial.65

    In literature influenced by the mime, we repeatedly meet

    with the befuddled orator, usually a simple man who has been

    thrust before the court, and finds himself weak in the head and

    trembly.66

    We return, then, to the thesis statement and to the intense, theological reflection which it introduces: "The message about the cross

    is foolishness ... We proclaim Christ crucified ... foolishness to

    Gentiles" (1:18, 23). It now seems likelythat Paul's astonishing and

    paradoxical equation of the cross and foolishness was mediated

    by the mime.6 7

    The most popular mime in Paul's day was the

    Jones, Greek-English Lexicon, p. 971 s.v. , "buffet" = ; 977 s.v.

    ; cf. Nicoli, Masks, Mimes andMiracles, p. 88.5 9

    For a summary of interpretations, see B. Winter, Philo and Paul among theSophists (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 147-48.

    6 0

    Rightly, Heinrici, Dererste Briefan die Korinther, p. 87.6 1

    Heinrici, Dererste Brief, p. 87.6 2

    This insight is anticipated by the remarks of D. Georgi, Theocracy in Paul'sPraxis and Theology (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991), pp. 54-55.

    6 3Plato, Rep. 451c, 606c; Douris of Samos in FGH76 F 72; Quintilian, Inst.

    Orai1.10.17; Statius, Silv. 5.3.158; Diogenes Laertius 3.18; cf. AKrte, "Sophron,"RES (1930), pp. 1100-1103; S. Eitrem, "Sophron," SO 12 (1933), pp. 10-13.

    64Demetrius, De eloc. 3.153; Mnaseas in Zenobius 3.26.

    65 Cf. O. Crusius, Untersuchungen zu den Mimiamben des Herodas (Leipzig:Teubner, 1892), p. 51.

    66E H d Mi 2 H f Th S A 6 1 2 L i

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    PAUL'S APP ROP RIATIO N OF TH E ROLE OF TH E FOOL 431

    Laureolus of Catullus.68 References by historians and poets make

    it possible to reconstruct the plot:69 Laureolus is a slave who runs

    away from his master and becomes the leader of a band of robbers. In the final scene, he was crucified. The crucifixion was en

    acted with a cons iderable degree of stage realism. Josephus report s

    that "a great quantity of artificial blood flowed down from the one

    crucified."70 Suetonius records a performance on the day of

    Caligula's assassination, at the close of which the chief actor fell

    and vomited blood. Suetonius notes that the performance was

    immediately followed by a humorous afterpiece in which certain

    mimic fools "so vied with one another in giving evidence of theirproficiency at dying that the stage swam in blood."71 According to

    Martial, a condemned criminal was forced to take the part at a

    performance during the reign of Titus, and was actually nailed to

    the cross.72

    We may now tell the story of Paul's appropriation of the role of

    the fool in his correspondence with Corinth. When Paul came to

    Corinth, he pre ached a gospel of Jesus the Christ crucified. He

    made converts, mainly among the lower classes;

    73

    but it seems thatat Corinth the Pauline mission also succeeded, for the first time,

    in winning adherents from the better educated and cultured

    circles.74 After Paul left Corinth, another Christian missionary

    arrived, a Jew name d Apollos, a native of Alexandria.75 Accord

    ing to the author of the book of Acts, Apollos was "an eloquent

    man," skilled in the exposition of Scriptures (Acts 18:24). 76 He

    Menaechmi 915, 1017; Mostellaria 1133; Poenulus 271, 495, 511, 789, 1309; cf.

    Hengel, Crucifixion, pp. 9-10.6^ M. Bonaria (ed.), Mimorum Romanorum Fragmenta (Genova: Instituto diFilologia Classica, 1955), p. 112; cf. Reich, DerMimus, pp. 564-66; Nicoli, Masks,Mimes and Miracles, pp. 110-11; Beacham, The Roman Theatre, p. 136.

    69Martial, De sped 7; Juvenal 8.187-88; Josephus, Ani 19.94; Suetonius, Calig.

    57.70

    Josephus, Ant. 19.94.71

    Suetonius, Calig. 57.72

    Martial, De sped 7.73

    1 Cor. 1:26-28; cf. Georgi, Theocracy, p. 54.74 H.D. Betz, "The Problem of Rhetoric and Theology according to the Apostle

    Paul" in A. Vanhoye, (ed.), L Aptre Paul: Personnalit, style, et conception du ministre(Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1986), p. 24; CS. de Vos, Church and Com-munity Conflicts: The Relationships ofthe Thessalonian, Corinthian, and Philippian

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    432 LAURENCE L. WELBORN

    made a strong impression upon the Corinthians, especially upon

    the elite who valued proficiency in rhetoric.77 Factions formed

    within the church, with members declaring support for one teacheror another.78 In the resulting debates, members of the Apollos

    party said that, in comparison with their eloquent teacher, Paul

    appeared to be a fool. Perhaps they also contrasted the "wisdom"

    of Apollo's interpretation of Scripture with the simplicity of Paul's

    preaching of the cross.

    We have seen that for the denigration of a public figure as a

    "fool" to be successful, there must be some basis for comparison.

    In the case of Paul, several aspects of his person, way of life, andself-presentation may have given his opponents opportunities to

    portray him as a "fool." The most obvious of these was Paul's

    manner of speaking, to which reference is repeatedly made in

    1 Corinthians 1-4. In 2 Cor. 10:10, Paul's detractors are quoted:

    "His letters are weighty and strong, but his speech is contempt

    ible." A few verses later, Paul concedes the point: "I am untrained

    (literally, "an idiot") in speaking."79

    Next, there was something

    about Paul's demeanor that gave the impression of "weakness." In2 Corinthians, again, Paul quotes anonymous critics who say, "his

    bodily presence is weak." Because the Greek word for "weakness"

    implies illness, a physical ailment,80 Paul's opponents may have

    been ridiculing his "thorn in the flesh." There has been much

    speculation about the nature of Paul's condition: epilepsy, weak

    ened eyesight, a speech impediment, have all been proposed.81

    Perhaps Paul suffered, like his contemporary Claudius, from the

    effects of infantile paralysis. In any case, Paul's opponents exploitedhis weakness to make him look like a fool. Third, Paul's occupa

    tion as a handworker, a tentmaker, placed him among the urban

    77Similarly, D. Liftin, St. Paul's Theology of Proclamation. 1 Corinthians 1-4 and

    Greco-Roman Rhetoric (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 162;Winter, Philo and Paul among the Sophists, pp. 175-76; de Vos, Church andCommunConflicts, pp. 219-20.

    78

    On the dynamics in the formation of factions in the Corinthian church,see L.L. Welborn, Politics and Rhetoric in the Corinthian Epistles (Macon, GA: MercUniversity Press, 1997), pp. 1-42; H.A. Stansbury, Corinthian Honor, Corinthian

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    PAUL'S APPROPRIATION OF THE ROLE OF THE FOOL 433

    proletariat whose lives were caricatured in the mime.82 Numerous references in the Corinthian correspondence make it plain

    that Paul's decision to work with his hands was a source of shamefor the wealthy members of the church at Corinth.83 Finally, wecannot exclude the possibility that Paul's physical appearance boresome resemblance to a mimic fool. The only physical descriptionof Paul to come down to us from the early church, in the Acts ofPaul, portrays "a man small of stature, with a bald head andcrooked legs ... with eyebrows meeting and nose somewhathooked, full of friendliness."84

    Perhaps it came as a surprise to Paul's Corinthian detractors thathe accepted their labeling of him as a fool, though not withoutconsiderable hesitation, and after he had redefined the keyterms.85 But as it turns out, the adoption of the role of the foolwas a strategy practiced by a number of intellectuals in the earlyEmpire. The Roman knight, Decimus Laberius, took the role ofthe fool in a mime that he wrote and enacted before Julius Caesar.86 In one of his best known satires, the Augustan poet, Horace,

    permits his slave Davus to describe the master as a greater foolthan his slave.87 Juvenal dons the motley costume of the fool inorder to expose the moral corruption of Roman society.88 Whatmade the role of the fool so attractive was the freedom it permit-

    82 On the lives of the urban proletariat as the subject of the mime, seeBeacham, The Roman Theatre, pp. 131, 137.

    83 1 Cor. 4:12; 9:1-27; 2 Cor. 11:7-15; see the discussion in G. Theissen,"Legitimation und Lebensunterhalt: Ein Beitrag zu Soziologie urchristlicherMissionare," NTS21 (1975) 1.237, pp. 192-221; R. Hock, The Social Contextof Paul'sMinistry. Tentmaking andApostleship (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1980) especiallypp. 50-65.

    84 In the "Acts of Paul and Thecla" 3; text in R.A. Lipsius and M. Bonnet(eds.), Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, 1.237 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1959), pp. 6-9; the translation is that of W. Schneemelcher, NewTestament Apocrypha (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1964) 2.354. For discussion of this literary portrait and alternative views, see R.M. Grant, "The Description of Paul in the Acts of Paul and Thecla," VC36 (1982), pp. 1-4; A. Malherbe,"A Physical Description of Paul," HTR 74 (1986), pp. 170-75.

    85 The point is rightly made by W. Caspari, "ber den biblischen Begriff der

    Torheit," Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift39 (1928), p. 692: "Zu allem bleibt aberbeachtlich, wie lange der I. Kor. zgert, bis er nur berhaupt eine persnlicheWortform unseres Begriffs 3, 18 verwendet."

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    434 LAURENCE L. WELBORN

    ted for the utterance of a dangerous truth. Numerous anecdotes

    relate how, especially in the earlyEmpire, the mimes became voices

    for what no one else dared to say.89 Speaking as a fool, Paul isable to challenge the reliance upon wealth and knowledge by the

    leaders ofthe church at Corinth, and the sense of superiority which

    these things engendered.

    But at a deeper level, Horace, Paul and Juvenal are telling the

    truth about themselves in a society where relationships were in

    creasingly controlled by the patronage of a wealthy few.90

    Intellec

    tuals were especially vulnerable to the patronage system, since they

    had nothing to exchange but ideas, words that vanished into airand faded quickly from the page. In a world controlled by patrons,

    the life ofan intellectual must have seemed as insubstantial as that

    of a fool in the mime. The Corinthian correspondence reveals that

    Paul was drawn into patron-client relationships.91

    He was unable

    to support himself by the work of his hands, and was obliged to

    accept a gift from the wealthy Stephanas.92

    Our final glimpse of

    Paul in Corinth shows him as a guest, or client, of Gaius, the

    wealthiest of the Corinthian Christians, and the host of the wholechurch.

    93

    IfPaul was able to accept the role of the fool more completely

    than his contemporaries, Horace and Juvenal, it was because he

    believed that, in the cross ofChrist, God had chosen "foolishness."

    In a stunning paradox, Paul writes: "God chose what is foolish in

    the world to shame the wise; God chose what is weak in the world

    to shame the strong; God chose what is low and despised in the

    world, things that are not, to reduce to nothing things that are"

    (1 Cor. L27-28).94

    To the wealthy and cultured in Corinth, Paul

    writes: "The fool that you laugh at in the mime of life, whose gro

    tesque suffering is a source ofamusement, whose death on a cross

    is a welcome reminder of what it is like to belong to the upper

    8 9

    Suetonius, Calig. 29A; Athenaeus, Deip. 14.621 A; Historia Augusta, Duo

    Maxim. 9.3-5; Historia Augusta, M. Antonin. 29; other anecdotes are collected by

    Reich, Der Mimus, pp. 182-92.9 0

    P. Veyne, Le pain et le cirque: Sociologie historique d'un pluralisme politique

    (Paris: Seuil, 1976); R.P. Sailer, Personal Patronage underthe EarlyEmpire (Cambridge:

    Cambridge UniversityPress, 1982).

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    PAUL'S APPROPRIATION OF THE ROLE OF THE FOOL 435

    classeducated, unmaimed, independentthis crucified fool is

    the Son of God." As the apostle of this God, Paul came, in the

    end, to accept the word of the cross as the paradoxical truth ofhis own life: he was really a fool, the fool of Christ.

    95

    ABSTRACT

    This essay suggests that Paul's acceptance of the role of the "fool," and, arising out of this, his evaluation of the message of the cross as "folly," are bestunderstood against the background of the popular theater and the fool's role inmime. The interpretation is, therefore, a corrective to the traditional view that

    the proclamation of the crucified Christ was an absurdity to the people of theancient world. The essay also offers an alternative to the attempt, in some recent monographs and commentaries, to subsume Paul's "foolishness" under thecategory of the anti-rhetorical. The essay argues that the term "folly" was generally understood as a designation of the attitude and behavior of a particular socialtype, the lower class buffoon. As a source of amusement, these lower class typeswere widely represented on the stage in the vulgar and realistic comedy knownas the mime. The essay suggests that Paul's Corinthian detractors labeled him asa "fool," in contrast to the eloquent and sophisticated Apollos. Paul's acceptanceof the role of the fool mirrors the strategy of a number of intellectuals in theearly Empire, who exploited the paradoxical freedom which the role permitted

    for the utterance of a dangerous truth.

    95Paul's appropriation of the role of the fool subsequently deepened as the

    conflict with the Corinthians grew sharper; in 2 Cor. 11:1-12:10, Paul delivers a"fool's speech," based upon the performances of the fools in the mime. For thisinterpretation, see H. Windisch, Der zweite Korintherbrief, KEK 6 (Gttingen:Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1924), pp. 316; L.L. Welborn, "The Runaway Paul: ACharacter in the Fool's Speech," HTR 92.2 (1999), pp. 115-63.

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    ^ s

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