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Week 3 [Tuesday] Education is Freedom

Welcome to Class! Do Now Please!Questions/Concerns:

Directions: Read the document below and answer the questions below based on the reading.

Source: Seasons of Blood: A Rwandan Journey by Fergal Keane, correspondent for BBC during Rwandan Genocide.

"These men really did believe that they were about to be returned to the dark ages of Tutsi autocracy. All the stories of oppression and humiliation that had been handed down from their parents, all the conspiracy theories of the government, and all the fear caused by the RPF incursions since 1990 had been whipped up by extremist politicians to produce a pathological hatred of the Tutsis. I asked one of the men what would happen if a Tutsi came up to the roadblock. He simply smiled. They eventually waved us on our way with handshakes and smiles. I did not know what to feel about them. Revulsion at their warped psychology certainly. But also pity. These were people who lived in wretched poverty, who had been recruited to do the fighting and killing for people who were now safely in exile.”

1. What is the most appropriate purpose of the above historical source?a. To show the political motivation of the Tutsis in attempting to regain political power in Rwanda.b. To highlight the political and economic fears felt by Hutus towards Tutsis in Rwanda as a cause

of carrying out the Rwandan Genocide. c. To describe the promise of the Arusha Accords in democratizing Rwanda.d. To explain the negative impacts of Belgian colonial rule during Rwandan independence.

2. Which of the following would be a cause of the “wretched poverty” Rwandans lived in in the late 1980s and early 1990s?

a. The signing of the Arusha Accords.b. The implementation of the International Coffee Agreement.c. The dismantling of the International Coffee Agreement and falling coffee prices.d. The push to grow mainly coffee in Rwanda.

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Document AnalysisWe’ll be focusing on the following historical question today: Analyze the causes of the Rwandan Genocide in the period 1884-1994. But, before we get started, we need to break down the prompt.

Scope:Topic: Historical Thinking Skill: Re-Written Question:


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Document 1

Source: Moises Jean. “The Rwandan Genocide: The True Motivations for Mass Killings” from Emory Endeavors in World History, vol. 1 (2007).

“As the United States continued to encourage a move for all nations to democratize, this idea became more and more unappealing to Habyarimana. Democracy would mean a reduction of his political power that he held tightly for almost twenty years. He and the Akazu would not comply, but instead decided to eradicate all opposition. Early genocide sentiments were not kept a secret. On October 1, 1990 the Rwandan Patriotic Front, a group representing all of the Rwandan refugees forced out of the country (Tutsi and Hutu) in the 1960s and 1970s, attempted an invasion where they demanded, [an] end to the ethnic divide and the system of compulsory identity cards, a self-sustaining economy, a stop to the misuse of public offices, the establishment of social services, democratization of the security force, and the elimination of a system that generated refugees.”

**Significance: Analyze the causes of the Rwandan Genocide in the period 1884-1994.

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**Document 2

Source: Peter Uvin. “Ethnicity and Power in Burundi and Rwanda: Different Paths to Mass Violence.” Comparative Politics, vol. 31, no. 3, 1999, pp. 253–271. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/422339.

**“At the beginning of the 1990s three processes combined to pose significant threats to Habyarimana's regime and the small elite that benefited from it. First, internal discontent increased, emanating mainly from disgruntled urbanites but also spreading to the countryside. It generally took a regional form, with political opposition mainly in the south and center. The president's district in the north almost fully monopolized positions of power in Habyarimana's regime, and most public investments took place in that region. Widespread corruption, geographical exclusion, and disappointment with the slow pace of development combined in a challenge to the regime from within. A second threat was the 1990 invasion from Uganda of the Rebel Patriotic Front (FPR), a small but well trained and equipped guerrilla army led by soldiers who had previously fought in Museveni's war for control of Uganda which was composed largely of descendants of 1959-63 Tutsi refugees.

**Although the invasion was pushed back, the FPR controlled part of the territory in the northeast, and its threat was permanent. Hundreds of thousands of people were displaced, and the economy suffered greatly. Finally, following the end of the cold war, the international community suddenly rediscovered its attachment to democracy and put strong pressure on Habyarimana's regime to democratize and negotiate power sharing with the FPR and the domestic opposition as a first step toward free elections. Thus, political parties were allowed in July 1991, and a so-called coalition government was formed in 1992. Parallel negotiations took place in Arusha to end the civil war and integrate the FPR into the Rwandan army.

The regime was under attack from all sides, and its most radical factions took recourse in the usual, time-tested solution: the revival of ethnicity. Ethnicity could unite the population around the government, take momentum away from the opposition, combat the FPR, and render elections impossible. These radical factions were not invited to participate in the Arusha negotiations, but they grew stronger nevertheless (with active support from the presidency) and plotted the use of violence to reverse these externally inspired changes.”


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http://www.jstor.org/stable/422339

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**Document 3

Source: Catharine Newbury. “Background to Genocide: Rwanda.” Issue: A Journal of Opinion, vol. 23, no. 2, 1995, pp. 12–17. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/1166500.

“It is an understatement to say that these tragic events occurred at a time when Rwanda's state and society were in severe crisis. External and internal factors combined during the five years preceding 1994 to create an extremely volatile mix. Among these were the nature of the postcolonial state in Rwanda and the changing configuration of regional, class, and ethnic divisions; the growing militarization of state and society in the country as the Habyarimana regime responded to military attacks by the Rwandan Patriotic Front; and the effects of a process of political liberalization and multi-partyism truncated from the concerns of ordinary citizens. These processes occurred in a context of sharply deteriorating economic conditions internally. The Arusha Peace Accords of 1993 served to heighten anxieties further, while events in neighboring Burundi increased fears and insecurities among many in Rwanda. This analysis will review the role of these different factors in creating the conditions for genocide, but it must be remembered that these were not discrete factors; each operated in a climate created by the intersection of multiple pressures, different in their kaleidoscopic combination, perhaps, for each individual.”


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**Document 4


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EXIT TICKET Directions: Respond to the following question in one complete paragraph using specific historical evidence.

Prompt: Analyze the causes of the Rwandan Genocide in the period 1884-1994.

_____ Argument: Begin with a clear argument that directly answers the prompt and outlines 2-3 groupings._____ Name & Explain: Paraphrase evidence from document(s) to support your argument, with proper citation (Doc 1 or P. 1)._____ Zoom Out and Clinch: Analyze the selected evidence to support your argument.

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___________________________________________________________________________________________Homework – Causes of the Rwandan Genocide

Directions: Use this text to complete a close read. Your annotations should include: the author’s claim identified in the beginning of the text (first 1-3 paragraphs), quality marginal notes, and an end note on the bottom of each page summarizing what you’ve just read (no less than one sentence long).

“Rwandians in Death Squad Say Choice Was Kill or Die” from the New York Times By RAYMOND BONNER,Published: August 14, 1994

**KIBUYE, Rwanda, Aug. 13— Inside the Roman Catholic church here, a stone edifice with a rectangular bell tower high on a promontory jutting into Lake Kivu, several thousand Tutsi men, women and children sought sanctuary in April when killing started in their villages.

**But a mob of several hundred Hutu men, some in uniforms with rifles but most in civilian clothes with clubs and machetes, had no respect for the church or for life.

**Witnesses said the killing began about 10 in the morning; by early afternoon, blood and bodies filled the concrete floor of the church, the small side chapels, even the confession booths. Then the killers went off to drink beer.

The next day the mob moved on to the soccer stadium, less than a mile away in this small, grubby town with only one dirt road running through it. More than 7,000 Tutsi were gathered there. The soldiers fired rifle grenades into the crowd, then the militia swarmed over it, shouting "Power!" in English and hacking and beating people to death.

**The slaughter started late in the afternoon, and some people were still alive at nightfall, which comes early along the equator. So the next morning, the mob returned to finish the job.

**The violence in Kibuye was neither random nor spontaneous, and the United Nations has opened a sweeping investigation into massacres like these in the hope of trying the main culprits for what it calls acts of genocide in Rwanda.

**Trials by international tribunals could yield some detailed answers on how the killings were orchestrated. But for now the outside world is struggling for an answer to the more troubling question of why so many Rwandan villagers took part -- or stood by passively -- when friends, neighbors and children were butchered.

In Kibuye, some people are still pondering the same question, and struggling to explain to themselves and to outsiders why they acted as they did.

**Augustin Karara, the Mayor of this provincial capital, said the massacres here had been "the last step" in eliminating the Tutsi in the province of Kibuye.

The mob tried to force him to join the rampage, he said, but he refused. Perhaps by virtue of his position, the Mayor was not killed.


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**Other men joined against their will -- to save their own lives, they said, or the lives of Tutsi they were harboring at home.

Evode Micomyiza, a 33-year-old civics teacher, said he stood on the hill at the east end of the soccer stadium that day with a club in his hand as other men chopped and clubbed defenseless men, women and children.

**Mr. Micomyiza said that he did not kill anyone and that he had gone along only because a gang heading to the stadium had said that if he did not join them in their "work" it was proof that he was a supporter of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, the Tutsi-led rebel army.

**"We were forced to move with the killers in order not to be killed," he said.

When the carnage was over, Mr. Micomyiza said, he saw the bodies of three Tutsi who only a few days earlier he had been harboring in his house.

**"Everyone had to participate," said Bernard Ndutiye, a Lutheran minister here. "To prove that you weren't R.P.F., you had to walk around with a club. Being a pastor was not an excuse. They said you can have religion afterwards." Gangs Roamed the Town

Mr. Ndutiye said every morning for days before the massacres, mobs roamed the town beating on drums and blowing whistles, calling men out of their houses to join them.

One day, a gang came to Mr. Ndutiye's house and found three Tutsi children he was protecting. The children were his children's playmates. The gang clubbed one of the Tutsi boys to death in front of his eyes. After that, Mr. Ndutiye said he agreed to take up a machete, but he said he never killed anyone and eventually found that if he feigned sickness the gangs would leave him alone. 'God Has Abandoned Us'

What came over this nation last April and May, when hundreds of thousands of Tutsi were slaughtered? Why did educated men like Mr. Ndutiye and Mr. Micomyiza not resist the mob, or run away rather than join it? What possessed Hutu men to kill their Tutsi wives, as many did?

**How could Hutu men who were protecting Tutsi children go to other villages and kill Tutsi, as recounted by Mr. Ndutiye and Mr. Micomyiza?

"The same questions you're asking I'm asking myself," said Mr. Ndutiye, the minister in Kibuye, who is also the head of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Germany in Rwanda. "I haven't found the answers. There are times when you lose faith. Sometimes we think God has abandoned Rwanda and allowed the devil to enter the souls of our people."

**At the moment a few things seem clear. It was not random violence that engulfed this country. "Five hundred thousand people aren't killed by a bunch of guys with machetes," says Lieut. Col. Erik de Stabenrath, a French military officer who has informally investigated the massacres in this area.

**Land is often cited as the root cause of the killings -- that Hutu and Tutsi killed each other to keep the land they had or to take over the land of others. While this is one of the world's most densely populated countries, and rural peasants make up the bulk of the population, that explanation is not complete.


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**Others point to long-simmering resentment between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority. But ethnic differences between the two are slight -- they speak the same language and have intermarried for so many generations that many Rwandans do not know if another person is a Hutu or a Tutsi.

**Another explanation is that the violence arose out of a struggle for political power. "It is a problem of Hutu and Tutsi and power sharing," said Mr. Ndutiye.

During centuries of feudalism the Tutsi ruled, even though they made up only about 15 percent of the population. The Belgians, who came in the early part of this century, perpetuated Tutsi dominance. In 1959 the Hutu started to rise and by the time of independence in 1962 they were on top. They killed thousands of Tutsi and forcing tens of thousands into exile.

In 1990 a group of exiled Tutsi in Uganda launched a civil war under the banner of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, and the Hutu began to worry about losing power. At the same time, under pressure from Western governments, Rwanda, which had been a one-party state since independence, allowed other parties to form.

The parties created organizations for young people. The ruling Hutu party, the National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development, called its youth wing the Interahamwe (pronounced inter-a-hahm-way), which means "those who attack together." Interahamwe has since entered the Rwandan lexicon as a word used loosely and interchangeably with "militia."

The Rwandan Army provided the Interahamwe with the arms and training that turned it into a military organization. As the rebel Patriotic Front advanced, the militia focused on Tutsi as targets. Soon every Tutsi was seen as a rebel supporter, as were moderate Hutu who opposed the Government.

**With support from elements of the army, the militia launched what was tantamount to the final solution in April after President Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu, died in a mysterious plane crash. Within hours the killings started, first in Kigali, where moderate Hutu and intellectuals were slain along with Tutsi. Quickly the violence spread throughout Rwanda's hills and valleys. "The authorities here received orders from Kigali to eliminate the Tutsi," said Celestin Semanza, who was Deputy Mayor of the district of Mabanza, which is within the province of Kibuye. He said that soldiers arrived by jeep from Kigali and that the Interahamwe came in buses from other provinces. "We couldn't stop them," he said.

That was when the Tutsi from Mabanza and other villages fled to the church and stadium in Kibuye.The militia began killing in Kibuye around April 13, one week after the President's plane went down."I saw people running through the streets with machetes and clubs. They killed all the Tutsi in their way," said Mr. Micomyiza, the teacher.

Like many Rwandans, Mr. Micomyiza escaped death only because of Rwanda's arbitrary ethnic system, which says that a child takes his race from his father. Mr. Micomyiza's mother is a Tutsi, but his father is a Hutu. "People who are dead are the same as me, but their father is Tutsi," he said.

**Hutu and Tutsi lived peaceably in the region before the violence broke out. When the killing started, Mr. Micomyiza, like many Hutu, protected Tutsi. In his house, he hid a man he had known from childhood and two young women who were his neighbors.

The militia went from house to house searching for Tutsi, and one day a band of 40 men appeared at his adobe dwelling. Mr. Micomyiza gave them money and they went away, but they warned they would come back. Mr. Micomyiza then told the three Tutsi in his house that they should go to the stadium for protection.


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The militiamen who came to Kibuye were from other parts of the country, Mr. Micomyiza and other residents said, a pattern that has been reported throughout the country. But once in the town or village, the militia recruited local men. The easiest people to recruit were peasants, the uneducated, unemployed and young toughs.

**"They used people who had not been to school, who could not analyze," said Mr. Micomyiza.The message was a simple one -- all Tutsi were supporters of the Patriotic Front and if the Front won the war, all Hutu would be killed.

**But Mr. Micomyiza too got dragged into the butchery, a man with a university degree, a man who founded a secondary school for both Hutu and Tutsi last year. "It was just a way of protecting myself," he said. "We risked being killed. They said, 'If you don't come and work with us, you are R.P.F.' He said he never killed anyone, that he always "melted away" when the killing started, as he did at the stadium.

**This is what most men who were part of the mobs did, he explained. "You are trying to understand how so many could be convinced to kill," he said. But not that many were convinced. "We just went along. We were not free. We followed in order not to be killed ourselves." He distinguished between "passive" and "active" participation.

But why had he even passively taken part? He was, after all, a man who could "analyze," who could reason, who could even get in a car and leave?

"I come back to the question of freedom and liberty," Mr. Micomyiza said. "If I had been free I wouldn't have picked up that club."


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